a structure interne du syntagme nominal

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2.2.2.4 head shift
2.2.3 dependants zero
2.3 cohésion
2.3.1 accord
2.3.2 ordre
2.3.2.1 nucleus & arguments
2.3.2.2 nucleus & modifieurs
2.3.2.3 dependants&dependants
2.3.3 compatibilités
2.3.4 syncrétismes
2.3.5 head attraction
2.3.6 linkers
2.3.7 SN discontinus
2.3.8 apposition
1 cadre
1.1 domaine
1.2 exclusions
1.3 concepts
1.3.1 extension / intension
1.3.2 entité / referent
1.3.3 composantes formelles
2 forme
2.1 nucleus
2.1.1 nature (théorique) du nucleus
2.1.1.1 categorie lexicale
2.1.1.2 categorie fonctionnelle (D)
2.1.2 classe (lexicale) du nucleus
2.1.2.1 PRN
2.1.2.2 nom propre
2.1.2.3 deverbal
2.1.3 nucleus lexical zero
2.1.3.1 uniquement dépendants
2.1.3.2 relative sans tête
2.2 dependants
2.2.1 arguments
2.2.2 modificateurs
2.2.2.1 determinants
2.2.2.2 adjectifs
2.2.2.3 adjoints
3 fonction
3.1 sémantique
3.1.1 qualités
3.1.2 possession
3.1.3 quantification
3.1.4 genre
3.1.5 classes
3.1.6 saillance
3.1.7 aspect-temps
3.2 referentialité
3.3 pragmatique
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1 cadre
There is surprisingly little typological literature on the structure of noun
phrases, despite the fact that this is discussed at length in many descriptive
grammars. The most detailed discussion is Rijkhoff (2002). There is also basic
discussion in Giv´on (1990, 2001). Giv´on, T. 2001. Syntax: An Introduction.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins
references (entre autres)
dryer dans shopen
givon syntax II
rijkhoff noun phrase
creissels
supposons acquise l'existence d'un être grammatical 'syntagme nominal';
syntagme = acception large : peut être fait de plus d'un élément, d'un élément,
de Ø element
1.1 definition domaine
ce qu'il y a dans SN
digne d'interet : ce qui va contre les choses banales
1.2 exlusions
cas (sauf genitif, modifieurs adjoints, accord en cas) syntaxe externe
relatives (recife)
noms relationnels-adpositions (grammaticalisation)
morphologie nominale
coordination ni apposition : ce sont des sequences de SN complets
pragmatique de focus = relation avec autres constituants
anaphore Ø
mais je peux toucher à tout si ça a une incidence sur le thème, par exemple
·relatives pour les questions d'ordre dans SN
·morphologie nominale pour interaction avec d'autres éléments du SN e.g. headmarking etc.
1.3 concepts
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1.3.1 extension/intension
the extension of a concept, idea, or sign consists of the things to which it
applies, in contrast with its comprehension or intension, which consists
very roughly of the ideas, properties, or corresponding signs that are
implied or suggested by the concept in question.
the comprehension of an object is the totality of intensions, that is, attributes,
characters, marks, properties, or qualities, that the object possesses, or else
the totality of intensions that are pertinent to the context of a given
discussion. This is the correct technical term for the whole collection of
intensions of an object, but it is common in less technical usage to see
'intension' used for both the composite and the primitive ideas
denotation selon la discipline veut dire intension ou extension; exemple :
moi : intension, ça me permet de l'appliquer aux predicats
1.3.2 entité / referent
nom = type d'entité, SN = sous-type d'entité + referenttout ce qui s'ajoute au
nom dans SN : modeler l'entite + identifier un referent
1.3.3 composantes formelles
= nucleus / dependants
nucleus (head) : determine les catégories de tout le constituant (dixon)
jarawara : sujet declenche accord en genre sur le verbe
dans possession alienable, genre sur verbepossédé = nucléus
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dans possession inalienable, genre sur verbepossésseur (=genitif) =
nucléus
le nom nucleus donne un type d'entité, les modificateurs raffinent le type
d'entité (les adjoints aident à ça s'ils caractérisent), les déterminants identifient
un referent au SN (les adjoints aident à ça s'ils localisent), les compléments
saturent des places d'argument (les pronoms n'ont pas de compléments, il ne
sont que des référents)
dependants
lusekelo sur nyakyusa : dependents of the head noun attested in the Nyakyusa
data are possessive, demonstrative, adjective, numeral, quantifier, associative,
intensifier, relative clause and distributive
= arguments / modificateurs
the fact that modification is so dispensable in the case of pronouns and names
already hints at the major function of noun modifiers — they are used to further
specify or narrow down the domain of reference of their head nouns. Such
further specification is necessary because nouns, unlike pronouns and names, do
not of themselves refer to unique token entities. Rather, they connote types of
entities. They thus require further modification in order to become uniquely
referring expressions. givon
modificateurs
= grammaticaux / lexicaux
grammaticaux = article, demonstratif, etc.
lexicaux = adjectif, adjoint (syntagme adpositionnel)
2 forme
forme du SN modelée selon nucleus ou selon dépendants  (i) simple noun
phrases, which contain only pronouns or nouns plus simple modifiers like
articles, adjectives, demonstratives, or numerals; (ii) complex noun phrases,
which contain more complex sorts of modifiers, like genitive or possessive
modifiers and relative clauses
2.1 nucleus
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2.1.1 nature (théorique) du nucleus
2.1.1.1 nucleus lexical
= tradition
mais nominalisation sik, classificateurs maya, chinois
2.1.1.2 nucleus fonctionnel (D)
justification de DP au lieu de NP (gustave guillaume 1917 : l'article est le
nucleus du SN) :
(bhatt) : king of england est un constituantdifferents tests dont
(1) The present [king of England] is more popular than the last [one]
DP = D + NP
NP = N + etc.
parallèle structure proposition / phrase
 parallele nom /verbe :
movima, kat, maya, philippines, eskimo (langues ergatives à origine genitive)
TG, nahuatl (langues omnipredicatives)
maya : monod & vapnarsly maya ency 1385
Ressemblances structurelles et fonctionnelles des syntagmes nominaux et
verbaux : Autour d'un centre radical, se deploie a droite et a gauche un
ensemble d'indications touchant a
·l'orientation et a la direction des actions et des mouvements,
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·la position dans l'espace des objets selon des calculs absolus (haut et bas,
directions cardinales ) aussi bien que relatifs (socio- ou egocentres)
[allocentrés/egocentrés serait bien],
·au deroulement dans le temps des processus.

si predicat  prennent arguments
si argument  prennent determinants. deictiques, classificateurs
parallele structure proposition / phrase  X-barre (fukui) et DP (bernstein)
¡fukui
handbook baltin : NAOKI FUKUI phrase structure
DP
Chomsky (1970), however, refutes this ―Transformationalist Hypothesis,‖
[deverbal genre knowledge] and argues that the theory of grammar should not
allow a nominalization transformation (or any other transformation with similar
expressive power) because it performs various operations that are never
observed in any other well-argued cases of transformations. Thus, the alleged
nominalization transformation (i) changes category types (it changes S to NP
and V to N), (ii) introduces the preposition of, (iii) changes the morphological
shape of the element (destroy is changed to destruction; refuse is changed to
refusal, etc.), (iv) deletes all auxiliaries, and so on. These are the operations that
other wellattested transformations never perform, and hence should not be
allowed, [ les nominalisations ne viennent pas de transformations]
(i) that derived nominals are really ―nounlike,‖ not sharing various essential
properties with sentences, and (ii) that the relationship between derived
nominals and their sentential counterparts is rather unsystematic and sometimes
unpredictable (see Chomsky 1970 for more arguments establishing these
points). He then concludes that derived nominals should be handled in the
lexicon, rather than in terms of transformations which deal with formal and
systematic relationships between phrase structure trees. This proposal defines
the ―Lexicalist Hypothesis,‖ [d'où l'idée que le changement de classe est
toujours de la dérivation]
Once we adopt the Lexicalist Hypothesis, however, an important problem
immediately arises as to how to capture certain similarities and parallelisms
holding between verb/noun and sentence/nominal pairs. More specifically, the
strict subcategorization properties of a verb generally carry over to the
corresponding noun, and the identical grammatical relations are observed in
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both sentences and the corresponding nominals [j'appelle ça la nominalisation
de la structure argumentale ](see Lees 1960 and Chomsky 1970 for detailed
illustrations of these points; see also van Riemsdijk and Williams 1986 for a
lucid summary). Under the Transformationalist Hypothesis, these parallelisms
are captured by the nominalization transformation. With the elimination of such
a transformation under the Lexicalist Hypothesis, we now have to seek an
alternative way to express the parallelisms in the grammar. Chomsky (1970)
proposes that these parallelisms can be successfully captured if the internal
structure of noun phrases is made to be sufficiently similar to that of sentences
so that the strict subcategorization properties and grammatical relations can be
stated in such a general form as to apply to both verbs/sentences and
nouns/nominals [la structure argumentale ne se nominalise pas, il faut fornuler
les deux structures d'une seule façon mais suffisamment abstraite] . As a
concrete means to express these cross-categorical generalizations, Chomsky
introduces a preliminary version of X′-theory [2= ']
The ―X‖ in (14) is a variable ranging over the class of lexical categories
N(ouns), V(erbs), A(djectives), and (perhaps) P(repositions). The symbol
X′
primes rather than bars) stands for a constituent (phrase) containing X as its
―head‖ (the central and essential element of the phrase), as well as those
elements appearing in the place indicated by ―. . .‖ in (14a), the elements called
the ―complement‖ of X. The schema (14b) introduces a still larger phrase
X″
-head elements associated
with X′
as [Spec, X′] ).2 Examples
of specifiers include, according to Chomsky, determiners as [Spec, N′],
auxiliary elements as [Spec, V′], [donc le déterminant occupe, comme le sujet,
la position de Spec] comparative structures and elements like very as [Spec, A′],
―projections‖ of X, with the latter (X″) referred to as the ―maximal projection‖
of X (since it does not project any further).
The version of X′-theory presented in Chomsky (1970) was in a preliminary
form, and there certainly remained details to be worked out more fully.
However, it is also true that all the crucial and fundamental insights of X′-theory
were already presented in this study and have been subject to little substantive
change in the following years.
―adjuncts‖ (modifiers)
Chomsky‘s (1986b) [barriers] version of X′-theory has the following
characteristics. First, it includes two ―non-lexical‖ categories, I and C, as
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members of ―X‖ relevant for X′-theory, so that a full clausal structure is now in
full conformity with the principles of X′-theory and ―sentences‖ are no longer
exceptions to the theory, a great improvement over earlier versions of X′-theory
for which ―sentences‖ have always been treated as exceptions. Second, X′theory is now parametrized in accordance with the general guidelines of the
principles- and-parameters approach, and the theory no longer specifies the
linear ordering of elements in the scheme. An obvious point in Chomsky‘s
(1986b) version of X′-theory that calls for further improvement is the
incomplete parallelism it expresses between noun phrases and
clauses/sentences.
The source of the problems is the fact that in (27a),[Q : SN] all the ―arguments‖
(subject and object) are located within the maximal projection of a single head
destruction [ennemy's /destruction/of the city), while in (27b), [Q :
proposition] subject and object are split in two different projections
Two proposals were made in the mid- to late 1980s which played important
roles in resolving these problems. They are (i) the ―DP-analysis‖ (Fukui and
Speas 1986, Abney 1987; see also Brame 1981, 1982), and (ii) the ―PredicateInternal Subject‖ Hypothesis (see Hale 1978, Kitagawa 1986, Koopman and
Sportiche 1991, Kuroda 1988, among others, for various versions of the ―VPInternal Subject‖ Hypothesis;
The DP-analysis claims that ―noun phrases‖ are in fact ―determiner phrases‖
(DP) headed by the head D which takes a noun phrase as its complement
the DP-analysis of noun phrases received much justification from the semantics
of nominal expressions (a similar analysis had in fact been assumed in
Montague semantics before the syntactic DP-analysis was proposed). Thus, this
analysis has become more or less a standard analysis of noun phrases and is
assumed in much current literature.
the DP-analysis provides a ―two-story‖ structure for noun phrases that looks
quite similar to the structure of sentences: in both structures, a nonlexical
category (I in a sentence, D in a noun phrase) heads the whole phrase, taking a
complement headed by a lexical category (V in a sentence, N in a noun phrase).
Given the DP-analysis, then, the parallelism between sentences and noun
phrases becomes much more visible and easy to capture than in the traditional
analysis of noun phrases.
there seem to be two apparently conflicting sets of evidence regarding the status
of the subject in a sentence: one type of evidence (most of which has to do with
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theta-theoretic considerations) indicates that the subject should be inside the
verb‘s projection, while the other type of evidence (having to do with Case,
agreement, government, etc.) suggests that the subject must occupy [Spec, I″].
The ―VP-Internal Subject‖ Hypothesis was proposed mainly to reconcile these
two types of evidence. The crucial and novel part of this hypothesis is the
movement process that raises the subject (which is generated inside the verb‘s
projection) to [Spec, I″]. This movement is driven by the need for Case
assignment. Thus, the subject of a sentence is generated in [Spec, V″] (in some
versions of the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis, not in others), and then, is
moved to [Spec, I″] in order to receive Case in that position.
Combining the DP-analysis and the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis (thus
making the latter the ―Predicate-Internal Subject‖ Hypothesis), we have the
following completely parallel structures for noun phrases and clauses/sentences
(Fukui and Speas 1986)
The subjects in both noun phrases and sentences are generated within the
projection of the lexical category (N in a noun phrase and V in a sentence),
receiving a theta-role in their original positions, and then are raised to the Spec
positions of associated non-lexical categories (D in the case of noun phrases, I
in sentences) to receive Case (genitive in noun phrases, nominative in
sentences). [je ne comprends pas que le genitif plutot que le determinant soit en
Spec, le genitif est un argument interne du nucleurs lexical, tout comme l'objet]

The integration of the DP-analysis and the Predicate-Internal Subject
Hypothesis was based on the following ideas about the lexicon as it relates to
syntactic computation. (See Fukui and Speas 1986, Abney 1987, for some
preliminary discussions; see also Fukui 1986 for further discussion on this and
related issues.) Items of the lexicon are divided into two major subtypes: lexical
categories and ―functional‖ categories. The latter types of category roughly
correspond to the traditional non-lexical categories, renamed in consideration of
their nature.
Lexical categories have substantive content, and include nouns, verbs,
adjectives, etc. They typically enter into theta-marking.
Functional categories do not have substantive content, and do not enter into
theta-marking (although they do have other feature structures, including
categorial features, agreement features, etc.).
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Lexical categories play an important role in interpretation of linguistic
expressions, and indeed, most of the items in the lexicon belong to this
type.
Functional categories, on the other hand, do not play a comparable role in
interpretation of linguistic expressions; their role is largely restricted to
―grammatical‖ (or ―computational‖) aspects of linguistic structure
(although some of the proposed functional categories, e.g. I and D, may
sometimes function as operators, bearing some ―semantic‖ import). These
categories constitute a small (and often closed) set, which include C, I, D
(assuming the DP-analysis), and a few others.
Lexical categories bear semantic features, including, in particular, features
having to do with theta-roles (―theta-grids‘‘ in the sense of Stowell 1981).
They assign (or ―discharge‖) theta-roles/features associated with them to
other phrases, thereby forming larger structures that embed them.
Functional categories do not bear theta-roles. Their role is largely restricted to
purely formal and computational aspects of linguistic structure such as
marking grammatical structures (nominals and clauses) or triggering
movement operations. More specifically, some functional categories
(functional heads) bear ―agreement features,‖ and these agreement features
attract a maximal projection to their neighborhoods (their specifier
positions), in order for the latter to agree with the former.
numerous ―new‖ functional categories were proposed in the late 1980s,
achieving tremendous descriptive success, although from an explanatory point
of view, it was clear that the class of possible functional categories has to be
severely restricted in a principled way (Fukui 1988, 1995; see also Chomsky
1995a for a ―Minimalist‖ critique of functional elements).
The total elimination of X′-theory was proposed and carried out by Chomsky‘s
(1994) ―bare phrase structure‖ theory (see also Kayne 1994 for a different
approach). The bare theory is couched within the ―Minimalist program‖
(Chomsky 1993), according to which all the principles and entities of grammar
must be motivated and justified either by the properties of two ―interface
representations,‖ LF and PF, or by considerations of economy
bernstein
handbook baltin : bernstein The DP Hypothesis: Identifying Clausal Properties
in the Nominal Domain
Morphological evidence for DP
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Abney (1987: 37–53) discusses languages in which the agreement morphology
in the clause and the noun phrase match in terms of both the type of agreement
expressed and the manner of expression.[exemple maya ci-dessus] In other
words, what is observed in these languages is that a possessed noun agrees with
its subject in the same way, and with the same agreement morphology, as a verb
agrees with its clausal subject. A language falling into this category is Yup‘ik, a
Central Alaskan Eskimo language. Consider the examples in (2) (from Abney
1987: (24), 39). In Yup‘ik, both the verb and its subject are marked with
matching ergative case, expressed via an identical agreement suffix (-t in this
instance), as illustrated in (2a).2 Similarly, a noun and its possessor are marked
for agreement and the morpheme involved (i.e., -t), as illustrated in (2b),
matches that found in the clause:
(2) angute-t
kiputa-a-t
man-Erg (Pl) buy-OM-SM
―the men bought it‖
(3) angute-t
kuiga-t
the man-Erg (Pl)
river-SM
―the men‘s river‖
Matching nominal and clausal agreement morphology also characterizes Mayan
languages. [cf. becquelin & monod ci-dessus]
[trop facile avec ces langues = ergatives à genitif]
Hungarian, a nominative/accusative language, also exhibits identical agreement
affixes on nouns and verbs. The data in (3) (Abney 1987: (36), 44, data drawn
from Szabolcsi 1983) illustrate the Hungarian nominal agreement pattern, where
case is expressed on the possessor and the head noun agrees with the possessor
in person and number. In (4) (Szabolcsi 1983: (4), 90), I have illustrated the
parallel subject agreement pattern in the clause, where the sentential subject is
marked for case and the verb displays number and person agreement with the
subject:
(4) az én-ø
the I-Nom
―my guest‖
vendég-e-m
guest-Poss-1Sg
(5) a
te-ø
vendég-e-d
the you-Nom guest-Poss-2Sg
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―your guest‖
(6) (a) Mari-ø
(the) Mary-Nom
―Mary‘s guest‖
vendég-e-ø
guest-Poss-3Sg
(7) Mari-ø
alud-t-ø
Mary-Nom
sleep-Past-3Sg
―Mary slept‖
[finno ougrien est suspect d'ergativophilie, perrot]
As Abney discusses and illustrates, Turkish also displays DP-internal agreement
(patterns and data Abney examines are from Underhill 1976, Kornfilt 1984). In
this language, the possessor displays genitive case and the head noun agrees in
number and gender with the possessor. Although Turkish nominal agreement
morphology is not identical in form to the corresponding verbal agreement
morphology, Kornfilt has shown that both nominal and verbal agreement
morphology licenses pro-drop, a property which is apparently also found in the
other languages discussed above [je ne vois pas le rapport]
[c'est moins clair déjànon ergatif]
D-position = the locus of referentiality. [interessant pour DP dans
omnipredicativité]
proper names raise to the D-position [c'est pour ça que souvent pas de
determinant avec les noms propres]
2.1.2 classe (lexicale) du nucleus
2.1.2.1 nucleus PRN
a more accurate characterization of most pronouns is that they take the place of
noun phrases. In many languages, it may be difficult to distinguish pronouns
from nouns except on a semantic basis.
2.1.2.2 nucleus nom propre
Names, and to a lesser extent pronouns denote unique referents, no further
narrowing of their referential domain is necessary. Consequently, they can only
take non-restrictive modifiers e.g. relatives)
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English permits noun phrases consisting of just a noun when that noun is a
proper noun (I like Pat),
2.1.2.3 nucleus deverbal
nominalisations : différence entre les dependants dans les SN à noyau nominal
primitif et idem à déverbal; mais pas recuperation des participants
2.1.3 nucleus lexical zero
2.1.3.1 uniquement dépendants
même forme que SN mais pas de nom
(8) Your car is nice, but John’s is nicer
One approach to such noun phrases lacking nouns is to analyse them as
involving ellipsis of a head noun, that is, as involving a noun that is present at
some level of structure but which is not expressed overtly. One argument that is
given for such an approach is that when a speaker uses noun phrases of this sort,
it is normally the case that it is clear in the context what noun could have been
used.
certains SN sans nucleus ne sont pas un SN avec nom moins le nom : noms
abstraits en espagnol the article lo cannot be used with a noun, suggesting that
any analysis in terms of ellipsis is problematic
lo grande
art large
‗the large [thing]‘
approche pronominale :
Another possible approach to such cases with adjectives but no nouns is to say
that the adjective is functioning as a noun in such cases. However, such an
approach confuses word class with grammatical function. Such an approach is
motivated if the phenomenon is lexically constrained, but not if it is productive
for all members of a class. Treating these adjectives as nouns is analogous to
saying that music in English music teacher is an adjective because it is
modifying a noun, rather than simply saying that English allows nouns to
modify nouns.
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2.1.3.2 relative sans tête
même forme qu'une relative mais pas de nom relativisé :
figées
(9)
qui m'aime me suive
(10)
honni soit qui mal y pense
actives
(11)
qui l'a fait le fera encore
(12)
elle n'est pas qui vous croyez
faire la difference avec nominalisationcriteres de finitude; exemple de
confusion :
las cláusulas relativas en tapiete se construyen por medio de sufijos
nominalizadores que, además, cumplen la función de marcar un grupo de
construcciones subordinadas como cláusulas de complemento (CC)  la
forme est celle d'une nominalisation, la fonction est celle d'une relative ou
d'une completive  les appeler comment?
pour qu'il y ait relative sans tete, il faut montrer qu'il existe des syntagmes
nominaux à noyau lexical zero (le bleu), vs. nominalisation; *le de Perpignan /
ok
el de Perpiñan
mexico 2010 :
(13) le voy a tomar [lo [que es [una copia de su pasaporte]]]
 lo prouve qu'il n'y a pas de NOM Ø dans ce syntagme, et que c'est l'article
qui est nominalisé
2.2 dependants
arguments / modificateurs
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la distinction {restriction de la reference / modelage de l'entité} ne se superpose
pas à {modificateurs grammaticaux / modificateurs lexicaux}
restriction :
des constituants nominaux dans le rôle de génitif [argument ou adjoint], dont la
signification de base est que le référent du nom dont ils dépendent se distingue
des autres référents potentiels du même nom par son appartenance à la sphère
personnelle de l'individu auquel réfère le constituant nominal dans le rôle de
génitif ; par exemple, dans J'ai été très intéressé par [le livre de Jean] , le
constituant [le livre de Jean] peut se référer à un livre que m'a prêté Jean, à un
livre que Jean a écrit, à un livre dont Jean parle tout le temps, et de manière
générale à tout livre susceptible d'être considéré comme ayant à un titre ou à un
autre une relation privilégiée avec l'individu Jean.
taille du Sn en fonction des dépendants :
anglais :
(14) Richard Burns scored [his [first [[FIA [World [Rally]]] championship]
victory]] in the…
(15) phonemic diversity supports [a [serial [founder [effect]]] model [of
[[[language] expansion] [from [Africa]]]]]
venezuela
(16) Anticipo a Usted [ mis gracias [ por la atención [3que conozco le
asignará a la solicitud [que por este intermedio le formulo]]]]
2.2.1 arguments
les arguments à nucleus lexical sont eux-même des SN
(17) [the king of England]'s will
genitif
distinguer deux types de genitif : argument / adjoint
- localisation marcas de dependencia
- sobre el núcleo (Iquitos: la mesa su-pata)
- sobre el dependiente (Jean's hair)
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sur head et sur dependant : quechua1
(18) Alex-manta bolsa-n
Alex-ablativo bolsa-3singulier
' a bolsa do Alex '
dans marcas de dependencia sobre el núcleo, the possessor noun phrase can
generally be left out  le SN 'possesseur' est un argument du nom nucleus
(l'affixe possessif = accord) ou un adjoint appositionnel (affixe possessif =
argument)?  problematique de l'omnipredicativité et le statut des SN; aussi : =
ou  personne sur verbe
common type of genitive construction is one with no marking of the
relationship at all, where the possessor and possessed noun are simply
juxtaposed
valence du nucleus : alienable / inalienable : constructions simples / complexes,
prinaires / derivées, nature des 'classificateurs genitivaux'  nomes genéricos
relacionais; structure du SN avec NGR : apposition / hypotaxe; classe des NGR
(1 kat, jê, à une vingtaine panare)2 ; wayampi 2 animal domestique, animalgibier
(19) paje lima
pajé
malakaja e-kalej
AnimalDeEstimação
gato
1SINGULARII-arranhar
' o gato do pajé me arranhou '
question des classificateurs numeraux chinois & maya : on dit souvent que
classificateurs s'affixent à numeral pour donner un modificateur du nom, genre
[trois-ObjetRond + oranges]; Gela (Crowley (2002)), an Austronesian language
of the Solomon Islands
(20) e
tolu
num three
‗three pigs‘
na bolo
art pig
idem wayampi
(21) ilute
quatro
ena
nuli
a-pyy-ta
recipiente
arroz
1SINGULAR-comprar-FUTURO
' vou comprar quatro pacotes de arroz '
1
2010 Pfänder, S.: Gramática mestiza, La Paz: Academia Boliviana de la Lengua/Editorial Signo
2
voir copin dans
16
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SN
Relational nouns, such as uncle or sister, are known to possess an internal
argument slot, which may be left unsaturated in plurals, leading to a reciprocal
interpretation (Eschenbach 1993, Hackl 2002, Staroverov 2007):
(22) three sisters walked in
complétives : avec ou sans genitif
(23) la sospecha de que nunca volvería
inglês: só o subordinador that, sem o genitivo
structure de syntagme à NRG
deux notions de prédicat :
logique classique (aristote) sujet / predicat, qui se réduit à thème - rhème :
proposition = poser une entité, y rapporter de l'information nouvelle predicatrheme
calcul des predicats (partie de la logique mathématique de frege3) : expression
f(x) = fonction f prend une valeur particuliere selon la valeur de la variable x,
son argument (on dit que f s'applique à x)fonction doit être saturée =
l'argument prend une valeur, e.g. jean; predicat dans ce sens = expression de
vant être saturée (à n places de variables, qui reçoivent chacune une valeur
particulière)  predicat-valence
copin : NGR est le nucleus parce qu'il est un prédicat saturéchangement
ordre; moi : non, le N à droite est le predicat, structure de proposition avec sujet
et predicat :
notion de modifier's argument (ça vient d'informatique; on le trouve dans
marantz qui a dû le prendre dans grammaire catégorielle4, Lexical Meaning in
Context: A Web of Words Nicholas Asher; exemple de red
3
reduire la methematique a la logique
4
The basic ideas of categorial grammar date from work by Kazimierz Ajdukiewicz (in 1935)
and Yehoshua Bar-Hillel (in 1953). In 1958, Joachim Lambek introduced a syntactic calculus
that formalized the function type constructors along with various rules for the combination of
functions. Montague grammar uses an ad hoc syntactic system for English that is based on the
principles of categorial grammar. Although Montague's work is sometimes regarded as
syntactically uninteresting, it helped to bolster interest in categorial grammar by associating it
with a highly successful formal treatment of natural language semantics.
17
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SN
red est un predicat-valence, il a une structure argumentale, comme un VRB il a
un argument : red(apple);
red peut fonctionner comme prédicat-rheme, il décrit une manière d'exister
comme information nouvelle rapportée à une entité (eventuellement pourvue
d'un referent) :
(24) the apple is red
red peut fonctionner comme modificateur dans un SN : red apple, il continue à
avoir un argument, apple, qui est le nucleus du SN; mais dans le SN red n'est
pas exactement la description d'une manière d'exister comme information
nouvelle rapportée à une entité apple il délimite le sous-type d'entité apple, c'es
en ça qu'il est un modifieur
un argument de modificateur ressemble au nom dominant d'une relative;
(25) [the colleague [you invited]] is calling
colleague est le nucleus du SN, [you invited] est le modificateur; pourtant
colleague est un argument de [you invited] = objet;
essayons anglais bis sans that/who(m)
(26) [the colleague [invited me]] is calling
il y a plein de langues comme ça (sans maraque de subordination), pas
seulement en australie =
colleague est le nucleus du SN, [you invited] est le modificateur; pourtant
colleague est un argument de [you invited] = sujet
avec predicats nominaux
(27) [the colleague [(is) an astronomer]] is calling
(28) [ao gato [b(é) AnimalDeEstimaçãoDe [cpajé]c]b]a me arranhou
18
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SN
gato est le nucleus du SN [a...]a, et [b...]b est le modificateur; pourtant gato est un
argument de [b...]b = sujet; en outre, AnimalDeEstimaçãoDe est le nucleus du
SN [b...]b, et pajé est l'argument interne de [b...]b5
ordre : contrairement à ce que je dis en 2005 sur base kat et panara, il n'y a pas
isomorphisme d'ordre entre sujet - predicat proposition  [nucleus [NGR...] =
wayampi; limite au parallèle
2.2.2 modificateurs
Restrictive modifiers are used to narrow down the domain of reference, in this
way resembling definite determiners. the tall man opened his mouth
Non-restrictive modifiers are used to enrich the description of the referent
ça traverse la distinction grammatical / lexical
2.2.2.1 determinants
tous des Restrictive modifiers
Many linguists use the term determiner for definite and indefinite articles, as
well as other words like demonstratives & all languages appear to have words
that we can call ‗demonstratives‘. two-way contrast in terms of distance from
the speaker [3 espagnol]
un ensemble de‘déterminants’définis de façon strictement syntaxique par la
propriété de permettre au nom d’accéder sans restriction au statut de
constituant syntaxique
Many traditions categorize articles as a type of determiner, this class including
as well such words as demonstrative modifiers of nouns (as in English this
book). However, languages differ in whether articles and demonstratives belong
to the same word class. In English, they do, appearing in the same determiner
position at the beginning of noun phrases; in English, one cannot have both an
article and a demonstrative (*the this book). But in many other languages,
articles and demonstratives are separate word classes. In Fijian, for example, the
article precedes the noun while the demonstrative follows
5
noter que copin appelle [b...]b relative nominale
19
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SN
As noted above, English determiners follow the definite quantifier slot. Various
occupants of the determiner slot in English are:
(14) a. Deictic
that horse, this horse
b. Definite
the woman
c. Indefinite
a girl, some children
e. Possessive [je doute]
démonstratif / anaphoriques / interrogatif (quel ? )sélection parmi plusieurs
référents potentiels
renforceurs de demonstratifs : distal / proximal
démonstratifs = origine des articles et des pronoms de 3ª surtout pour non
animés
origine articles :
definis : they start as demonstratives, get extended to anaphoric usage and then
finally (in some cases) can be used nonanaphorically as well.
Demonstratives that are used as definite markers are often restricted to
anaphoric usage; the most common source of definite marking involves the
re-grammaticalization of a distal demonstrative
indefinis : In some languages, the form of the indefinite article is the same
as that of the numeral for ‗one‘, but the syntax is different [position]
Haspelmath, Martin. 1997. Indefinite Pronouns. Oxford: Clarendon Press. :
Il est fréquent dans les langues qui ont un article indéfini dérivé du
numéral Un que ce numéral soit également à la base d'un pronom indéfini
(Haspelmath 1997, Heine 1997, Heine & Kuteva 2002 : 221). Le plus
souvent le pronom n'est pas identique au numéral. Celui-ci s'associe à un
autre élément (Haspelmath 1997: 183-84, Heine & Kuteva 2002: 221), un
quantifieur, comme en français ―quelqu'un― et en anglais ―someone‖, ou un
pronom interrogatif, comme en pashto yaw (Un) cok (qui) ‗somebody‘ par
exemple, pour la formation du pronominal.
20
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SN
2.2.2.2 adjectifs
identifier
existence : absurde, ethnocentrique = 'semantic adjectives' qui sont selon des
langues des adjectifs ou des noms ou des verbes
 difference adjectif / participe (même fonction, origine synchronique
différente : lexique / verbe)
 extension de la classe : sik ~20; wayampi 1
affinités synchroniques / diachroniques avec classes verbes / noms (langues
où aucun rapport = plutôt rares); sik : verboides + pe2.2.2.3 adjoints
distinguer d'arguments, même pour genitif :
interiorvalência2 do corpoargumento / estradavalência1 de terraadjunto
il peut y avoir une structure hierarchique
(29) [anomnucleus [bargument]b]a [adjoint]
sans marque adpositionnelle :
Nouns as modifiers (sous-type d'entité) jazz band, Dixieland rock
the university president selection committee
each modifying noun carries its own primary lexical stress, and thus retains its
independence as a lexical word. But modifying nouns may eventually fuse with
their head to yield noun compounds, in English have a characteristic stress
pattern: The primary wordstress is invariably placed on the first noun—the
modifier
mail-man
[ patrons de lexicalisation]
différents types de sequences NOM NOM en anglais
(image ici)
21
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SN
that modifying nouns, even when not compounded, must be adjacent to the head
noun probably reflects the fact that nouns typically code more inherent, generic,
durable qualities
avec marque adpositionnelle :
tea for two
Languages differ as to whether they allow adpositional phrases or noun phrases
with oblique cases to modify nouns  in Lezgian (Haspelmath 1993) To
express what English would express by means of a prepositional phrase
modifying a noun, Lezgian must place the modifying phrase in a relative clause
with an appropriate verb, such as the verb meaning ‗be‘
leque de marcas oblíquas possíveis (comparar com adjuntos oracionais)
adjetivos regem caso às vezes:
indiferente ao sentimento, limpo de obstáculos
2.2.2.4 head shift
le nucleus est un nom sans referent, abstrait, qui explicite une propriété, qualité,
d'un nom qui est formellement son dépendant  en diachronie, le dépendant
formel reprend des proprietés de nucleus, et le nucleus formel perd des
propriétés de nucleus;
(30) beaucoup de personnes l'ignorent
étapes initiales ou intermédiaires (voir dixon sur jarawara ci-dessus, mais avec
des noms concrets)
(31) um belo de um truque
(32) uma beleza de carro está parado em frente da casa (ok?)
(33) un montón de casas están desocupadas
22
qxls
SN
(34) un tas de livres sont tombés
(35) a lot of books are sold
probablement origine des classificateurs
2.2.3 dependants zero
noms nus uniquement, ie. avec nucleus qui admettent dependants (ça ecarte
pronoms, noms propres)
English permits noun phrases consisting of a mass noun (I like milk) or the
plural of a count noun (I like flowers), this is not possible with the singular of
count nouns (*I like flower); in these cases, English requires some sort of
determiner (I like this flower, I have brought you a flower).
2.3 cohésion
indiquent la cohérence interne du SN : hierarchies syntaxiques, accord, ordre,
compatibilités, syncrétismes, head attraction, ligateurs
2.3.1 accord
grammatical agreement within the noun phrase — in gender and number, case,
or definiteness — can serve as a means forbinding NP constituents together;
that is, of signalling the noun-modifier relation
gender (ou classe) may be expressed on nouns, determiner elements, adjectives,
and/or other modifiers.
e.g. adjectifs latins genre, nombre et cas
Of these, only the first — class/gender — is an inherent feature of the head
noun. The others are grammar-coded semantic or pragmatic further
specification of the particular NP.
Hebrew may also serve to illustrate definite agreement— a feature of the NP
rather than of the noun— across many modifiers in the NP
23
qxls
SN
Case-role, again an NP feature rather than a noun feature, can also form the
basis for ‘agreement’, as in Latin (Palmer 1954):
nombre dans beaucoup de langues n'est pas marqué sur le SN lui-même mais
ailleurs (predicat, modifieurs [maya, portugais bresil]
2.3.2 ordre
ordre dans SN doit etre plus rigide que dans phrasemoins de pragmatique
order is quite rigid in English, more flexible in Japanese.
attention a projection de la sémantique pour identification de l'ordre.
une merveille de film
male chimpanzee

female chimpanzee
chimpanzee male

human male
one day
air force one
2.3.2.1 nucleus & arguments
(+ alignement) : anglais genitif saxon pré-N (germanique), genitif normand
post-N ( roman)
(36) the ennemy's destruction of the city
ordre genitif-nom peut changer selon que le genitif est pronominal ou nominal
Daly, language of north Australia (Tryon (1970b)), exhibits the opposite
pattern, with the lexical genitive preceding the noun (at least for inalienable
possession), as in (62a), and the possessive pronoun following the noun, as in
(62b).
(37) Micky piyamerr
Micky hair
G
N
‗Micky‘s hair‘
piya
ngany
head
my
N
Poss
‗my head‘
(38) ma photo de john lennon
24
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SN
2.3.2.2 nucleus & modifieurs
Simple modifiers—bound morphemes or lexical words—precede the head noun
in English. Complex modifiers—phrasal or clausal ones—follow. Post-nominal
modifiers in English are large and syntactically more complex
pre-nominal: quantifiers, partitive-definite (some of the people) and indefinite
(some women)
vs.
Modifiers that follow the head noun are the plural morpheme (Pl), relative
clauses (Rel), prepositional phrases (PP) or noun complements (N-Comp).
In Fijian, for example, the article precedes the noun while the demonstrative
follows
interrogative modifiers with meanings such as ‗which‘, ‗what sort of‘, ‗how
many‘, and ‗whose‘. In most languages, such elements occur in the same place
in the noun phrase as corresponding noninterrogative words, but there are
exceptions. For example in Ocotepec Mixtec, most modifiers, including
demonstratives and adjectives, follow the noun, as in (128a), but the
interrogative modifier meaning ‗which‘ or ‗what‘ precedes the noun
paralleles entre adverbe et adjectif (position)
dans X-barre & DP :
langues romanes : the position of the noun relative to the adjective(s) cannot be
due to variation in the position of the adjective, but rather, it must be a result of
variation in the position of the noun.[+correlats phonologiques, comme accent]
(le nom monte a la position de specificateur de D)
adjectifs
non restrictive adjectives precede the head noun and restrictive ones follow :
un hombre pobre ‗a poorman ‘ (R) un pobre hombre ‗an unfortunate man‘
(NR) un hombre muy pobre ‗a very poor man‘ (R)
(39) *un muy pobre hombre
(40) une belle femme
25
qxls
SN
une grande femme
*une noire femme
In some languages, the position of cardinal numeral and ordinal numeral are
different
Article and noun The order of article and noun exhibits a correlation with the
order of verb and object, although the correlation is weaker than most of
the other correlations discussed in this chapter. In particular, it is more
common for the article to precede the noun inVOlanguages, as in English
(the dog) and the Fijian example in (83a), but to follow the noun in OV
languages, as illustrated in (83b) by the indefinite article in Kobon, an East
New Guinea Highlands language
Noun and relative clause Almost all VO languages place the relative clause
after the noun, among OV languages, both orders are about equally
common ; It is often mistakenly thought that the order of adjective and
noun correlates with the order of object and verb, but it is now known that
this is not the case (see Dryer (1988, 1992)). It is often thought that OV
languages tend to be AdjN and that VO languages tend to be NAdj, but it
turns out in fact that this is not so, that NAdj is somewhat more common
than AdjN among both OV and VO languages. Part of the source of this
problem is that the languages in the sample used by Greenberg (1963)
Demonstrative and noun Demonstrative modifiers of nouns, like adjectives, are
common either before the noun or after the noun among both OV and VO
languages, though in both types of languages DemN order is slightly more
common; demonstratives do not exhibit a correlation in their position with the
order of object and verb,
Numeral (numeral) and noun Both NumN and NNum order are common among
OV and VO languages
nom nom nom comme modificateur : penchant pour l'ethnocentrisme : If a
language is OV, then it will be [NOUN] + [PLURAL NOUN] [parce que
plural noun est juste 'groupe, ensemble, quartète, turma, gang, galera' donc
on a un ordre normal [modifieur + nom], congru avec OV]
2.3.2.3 dependants & dependants
bhatt internet : en raison de structure (29)
26
qxls
SN
if an NP contains both a complement PP and an adjunct PP, the complement PP
should precede the adjunct PP. This prediction turns out to be true.
(41) the student [of Physics] [with long hair]
(42) *the student [with long hair] [of Physics]
formulation generale doit être : si argument et adjoint du même côté, argument
plus près du nucléus
adjectifs entre eux : An adjective will be placed closer to the noun stem if it is:
•more central to the meaning of the noun;
•more inherent, durable quality of the noun;
•more generic (rather than specific) information;
•more given (rather than new) information;
•non-restrictive (rather than restrictive).
dryer word order shopen I
One cross-linguistic generalization governing the order of Dem, Num, and Adj
is that when all three appear on the same side of a noun and one order is
preferred, the demonstrative typically is furthest from the noun and the adjective
closest, (construction du sous-type d'entité plus intime, construction de la
reference mois intime)
if a language places both the demonstrative and the numeral before the noun
and the adjective after the noun and if there is a preferred order for the Dem and
Num, that order will typically be Dem before Num.
correlations entre [XY]SN et verbe/objet :
oui
OV
genitive–noun
standard–marker
standard–adjective
noun–article
relative clause – noun
noun – plural word
VO
noun–genitive
marker – standard
adjective – standard
article–noun
noun – relative clause
plural word – noun
27
qxls
SN
non
adjective / noun
demonstrative / noun
numeral / noun
degree word / adjective
nom & nom modifieur problème: l'ordre donne le sens dans
(43) end game / game end
(44) machine sex / sex machine
il doit le donner aussi dans
(45) planet earth / earth planet
(46) human male / male human6
(47) awiri pebito / awiri pesorowato
 l'ordre ne varie pas, c'est toujours modifieur + nucleus
2.3.3 compatibilités
The best evidence that all these determiners belong to the same syntactic slot in
English is theirm mutual exclusivity [critere de dryer pour classe de
determinants]
other languages the definite article may coexist with otherdefinit e determiners,
as in Hebrew
adjective may be preceded by an adverb or intensifier, the slot itself is
technically that of an adjectival phrase
article et possessif, article & demonstratif
(in)compatibilités peuvent conditionner ordre :
dryer dans shopen
6
'battle scenario: male human vs. male chimpanzee'
28
qxls
SN
Aari (Hayward (1990)), an Omotic language spoken in Ethiopia, demonstratives
more commonly follow the noun, as in (177a), but they only precede the noun if
the noun is followed by a numeral,
Himmelmann (2001)7 observe que les langues du monde ont tendance à éviter
toute cooccurrence de l'article indéfini et du numéral un même lorsqu'ils ne sont
pas identiques, à l'exception du Sinhala et du Turc. En Sinhala, le numéral et
l'article ne sont pas identiques et peuvent figurer librement dans le même
contexte (48). En turc l'article et le numéral sont formellement identiques ; ils
peuvent être combinés, mais ils occupent une place différente, l'article se place
entre le nom et l'adjectif (49).
(48) pota-k
pot
eka-k
book.SG-INDÉF
book.pl. one-INDÉF
―A book‖ "One book" (Sinhala)
(49) büjük bir tarla
big
one field
―A large field‖
~
~
~
bir büjük tarla
one big
field
―One large field‖ (Turc)
2.3.4 syncretismes
e.g article roman (definitude, genre, nombre, and, in some languages, case)
Ilocano (Rubin (2000, p.c.)), an Austronesian language of the Philippines, has a
set of eight words that vary for number, for case (core versus oblique) and for
whether the noun they occur with is a common noun or a proper noun.
2.3.5 head attraction
kat, movima
{Kopa-nagenitif bakon}  /Kopa # nabakon/
(50) {kay-a-poj
comer-DIRETO-CAUSATIVO
dedo de Kopa
us
itila:kwa}
as
pa:ko
ARTIGOMASCULINO
homem
ARTIGONEUTRO
cachorro
' the man feeds the dog '
 /kayapojaus # itila:kwa/8
7
Himmelmann, Nikolaus P. 2001. ‗Articles‘. M. Haspelmath et als (eds), Language Typology and
Language Universals: An International Handbook. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 831-841.
8
a avant us : epenthétique
29
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SN
2.3.6 linkers
morphèmes dont la seule fonction est d'indiquer l'adjacence immediate :
mandarin, TG
2.3.7 SN discontinus
1) SN discontinus : Baker mohawk, hale warlpiri, vidal pilaga 9
et
2) blake 1983 145 dans rijkhoff 19 : en kalkatungu, 'there are in fact no
noun phrases [...] where an argument is represented by more than one
word we have nominals in parallel or in apposition [...] each word is a
constituent of the clause'
some scattering of members of the noun phrase is allowed even in a language as
rigidly ordered as English extraposition of restrictive REL-clauses (givon)
(51) A woman came in next who spoke no English
Walpiri (Hale 1976):
Adjacent, optional case agreement
(52) tjantu wiri-nki tji yalku-nu
dog
big-erg me bite-past
‗The big dog bit me‘
Non-adjacent, obligatory case agreement
(53) tjantu-nku tju yalku-nu
dog-erg
me bite-past
‗The dog bit me, the big one‘
wiri-nki
big-erg
distinguer deux interpretations : SN discontinus = 1) vs. déterminant utilisé
pronominalement et instituant un SN par lui -même = 2) apposition
Fox (Algonquian), a modifier may be expressed first, while its head noun is
post-posed (Dahlstrom 1987):
9
Constituyen ejemplos de constituyentes escindidos, donde el demostrativo en (1a) está separado del núcleo y en
(1b) [exemple] ‗las uñas de esa mujer‘, la parte de la frase nominal que designa al poseedor (la mujer) dislocada
con respecto al poseído (sus uñas)
30
qxls
SN
(54) neswi
e.h=ayo.wa-chi
three
use-3pl/asp
‗They use three songs‘
nakamo.nani
songs
a modifier is used as an anaphoric pronoun, and the post-posed head noun is
then right dislocated [ ce n'est pas de la discontinuité] = 2) apposition
quantifier float in French, illustrated in the examples in (6) (examples adapted
from Sportiche 1988):
(55) a. Toutes les filles ont reçu les notes
b. Les filles ont toutes reçu les notes.
[on peut dire avec une seule unité prosodique ou non :
c. Les filles ont, toutes, reçu les notes.
alors que
d. * Toutes, les filles ont reçu les notes
 = 2) apposition
idem foley sur yimas dans rojkhoff 20 : SN limité à 2 elements, nucleus et
'modificateur'; s'il faut un modificateur de plus, ce dernier est nominalisé par
une marque d'accord et institue un nouveau SN, appositif = 2) apposition
nama hottentot choisit entre mettre modifieurs dans SN ou les nominaliser et en
faire des SN séparés
(56) [kinii-di
book-3PLURIELFEMININ
ne] [!nona-di]
[Gombate di-di]
ces
Gombate
trois-3PLURIELFEMININ
CeluiDe-3PLURIELFEMININ
'ces trois livres de Gombate'
[à partir de là, la contiguité ou non contiguité de ces trois SN doit être une
question de pragmatique] = 2) apposition
2.3.8 apposition
31
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SN
 la coreference n'est pas un critere decisif pour l'apposition : wayampi copin;
coreference avec apposition  chaque element pourvu de posposition
(=warlpiri deuxième exemple)
(57) [mote-ku]
motor-COLETIVO
le
[o-jea
mae-ku]
le
o-jmona
POSPOSIÇÃO
3II-quebrar
NOMINALIZADOR-COLETIVO
POSPOSIÇÃO
3I-roubar
' ele roubou os motores, os que tinham quebrado '
coreference dans un même syntagme  une seule postposition (=warlpiri
premier exemple)  hierarchisation syntaxique
(58) [[mote-ku]
motor-COLETIVO
o-jea
mae-ku]
le
o-jmona
3II-quebrar
NOMINALIZADOR-COLETIVO
POSPOSIÇÃO
3I-roubar
' ele roubou os motores que tinham quebrado '
= 'ele roubou [os que tinham quebrado [que eram motores]]'
(copin donne une hierarchie differente : nucleus = moteur)
3 fonction
3.1 sémantique
modelage de type d'entité
3.1.1 qualités
adjectif (discours frivole) : semantique des adjectifs
nom (hombre araña, femme enfant, papier toilette)  tendance à la
lexicalisation
3.1.2 possession
semantique du genitif
(59)
ma photo de john lennon
(60)
tu veux ma photo?
alienable / inalienable comme correlats semantiques de monovalent / divalent
domaine de l'inalienable : notions relationnelles;
32
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SN
frontière semantique alienable / inalienable varie de langue à langue (certaines
n'y mettent pas anatomie, d'autres n'y mettent pas parenté): Amazonie riche :
artefact fabriqué / acquis; samoa : entités qui determinent le
possessseurinalienable (roi qui gouverne X) / entités déterminées par le
possesseur alienable (roi que X met sur le trone)
sémantique des NGR (interaction matérielle avec possesseur colette)
3.1.3 quantification
nombre
nombre lexical = inherent au nucleus (c'est sa combinatoire avec sa
morphologie ou avec les autres elements du SN qui détermine sa classe)
individuel
generique
collectif
dense
discret
exemple generiques / individuels
(61) Na semana passada levei ração para porco e um radiador de trator na
esteira. Tudo que precisa levar eu ponho nela e vou. (hercules)
nombre grammatical
distributif10
collectif
singulier
duel (parfois dans singulier, parfois dans pluriel)
triel
paucal (parfois sous produit du duel)
pluriel (implication trielduel pluriel)
difference entre collectif et pluriel : pluriel réplique les entités, collectif
regroupe les entité en un tout doté de structure interne ('orquestre', 'file
d'attente')
10
toba : sistema de número compuesto por los valores: singular y plural, junto a otras dos categorías afines:
distributivo y colectivo, las cuales pueden ocurrir en un mismo nombre y junto a los morfemas de número. El
número dual sólo es marcado sintácticamente
33
qxls
SN
le singulier peut être construit ( singulatif, classificateur)
numeraux
cardinal / ordinal
Cardinal and ordinal numerals often differ in their syntax [ordre] [penser à
numeraux qui sont des noms : paire, trio]
Ordinal numerals are most commonly derived from cardinal numerals ;
langues : cardinal numerals cannot directly modify nouns but must be
accompanied by a numeral classifier
c'est un modificateur ou c'est un nom? 
There is a question in some languages whether the numeral modifies the noun
or whether it is better to view the numeral as the head and the noun as
modifier. This latter view is often suggested for languages with numeral
classifiers; under this view the numeral modifies the classifier and the
numeral plus classifier serves as head, with the noun as modifier. Such an
analysis also suggests itself for some languages without numeral
classifiers. In Rif Berber (Kossmann (2000)), spoken in Morocco, most
modifiers follow the noun, but numerals precede, as in (42a); but the
construction they occur in is the same as the genitive construction,
illustrated in (42b), suggesting that the numeral is the head.
numerals must occur with an invariant word, which is strictly speaking not a
classifier (since there is only one of them), but which otherwise functions
like a classifier in that its presence is required if the numeral is modifying a
noun. An example of this is the word e (glossed ‗num‘ for ‗number
marker‘) in Gela (Crowley (2002)), an Austronesian language of the
Solomon Islands, as in (41). [ce n'est pas un number marker, c‘est
l'equivalent du NGR!]
(62) e
tolu
num three
‗three pigs‘
na bolo
art pig
34
qxls
SN
quantifying words, which behave like cardinal numerals in most languages,
but which in some languages do not. This includes words meaning ‗many‘,
‗much‘, ‗few‘, ‗all‘, ‗every‘, and ‗some‘parfois distribution speciale
Degree word intensifiers, or adverbs, words modifying adjectives that are
analogous in meaning to English words like very, more, rather, somewhat, and
slightly in many languages, degree words do not behave as a grammatically
well-defined class, and often some degree words precede the adjective while
others follow, within the same language
intensif (augmentatif / diminutif)
quantification d'adjectifs
(63)
la voz más baja del coro
entité comparée (voz) / base de comparaison ([voces] del coro) / operador de
comparacion (bajo) / dispositif formel de comparaison (eg. morphologie cas
spatiaux : ablatif ou allatif sur base de comparaison, autres) (ici adjectif + cas
partitif)
a nicer movie
3.1.4 genre
sur les personnes, implication dans l'existence des distinctions de genre : 1  2
 3 (faux en basque)
genre : ne pas confondre avec les noms male / femelle
fondé sur sexe vs. arbitraire  exhaustivité
inherent (pez / ave) vs. attribué grammaticalement (epiceno) un / una gorila
opposition equipollente ou privative (marqué / non marqué : roman (M)
/arawak, arawa (non marqué F)
que signifie neutre? (non animé, ou abstrait (espagnol lo))
distinction genre / classes; compatibilité dans même langue (reputés
incompatibles)
35
qxls
SN
3.1.5 classes
classificateurs (combinent avec noms) vs. noun classes (=accord)
la nature parasitique de la classification (idem genre) : on classe pour
· cohésion du SN
· pistage reference par l'accord, (anaphoriques & defini en Jacaltec)
· quantification (par les numeraux, la singulation),
· valence-possession ( interaction possesseur-possédé : domestique,
comestible)
3.1.6 saillance
plus de distinctions sur plus saillants (manifestables sur modificateurs) (mais
sur personne 1 & 2 moins de distinctions de genre, plus de nombre)
nombre : saillance basseneutralise distinctions11
3.1.7 aspect-temps
TG, Kwakw'ala, Marshalais
3.2 referentialité
restriction sur la classe des individus possibles
nom + nom
adjectif : words meaning ‗another‘, ‗different‘, ‗same‘, ‗only‘ 'mesmo' dans
ele mesmo; aussi certains adjectifs (couleur, taille) mais pas d'autres
(interessant)
argument : un genitif defini-référentiel restreint plus facilement la référence
du nucleus : Many languages distinguish a genitive construction with a
referential genitive from one with a nonreferential genitive. In Roviana
(Corston-Oliver 2002), the construction with a referential genitive involves a
possessive suffix on the head noun, as in (132a), while a nonreferential genitive
involves juxtaposition, as in
11
jarawara pas de distinction de nombre sur non animés
36
qxls
(64) mamalaengi-na [barikaleqe
voice-3sg.poss
[woman
‗that woman‘s voice‘
SN
hoi]
that]
(65) mamalaengi barikaleqe
voice
woman
‗a woman‘s voice‘ / ‗a female voice‘
adjoint locatif : el paisano aquí
deixis
personne
inclusif/exclusif
personne du SN : generalement 3º, mais we linguists, sik N-mü, nahuatl
espace (source de reference) essa aqui (cantuaria) (portugais bresil perd esta)
demonstratifs et leur reinforcers (distal/proximal) (espace + contexte)
direccionalidad12
localisation13
referenciant
hypothese omnipredicativité-non configurationalité : noms = predicats;
pour occuper une position d'expression referenciante, besoin de materiel
explicite; souvent article defini, parfois morphème specialisé, referentiant;
souvent on n'identifie pas le referenciant (pas considération
del'omnnip´redicativité) et on le prend pour un article au motif qu'il est plus ou
moins onligatoire, eg. dryer dans shopen in Koromfe (Rennison (1997)), a
Niger-Congo language of Burkina Faso and Mali, in which there is an article a
[comme en nama], illustrated in (21), which is used with all common nouns
except ones already modified by certain other modifiers, like demonstratives
and numerals
12
al sintagma nominal, el toba posee un paradigma de seis deícticos que indican posición y direccionalidad,
obligatorios para cada nombre
13
al sintagma nominal, el toba posee un paradigma de seis deícticos que indican posición y direccionalidad,
obligatorios para cada nombre
37
qxls
SN
definitude : dryer dans shopen : Many languages have a definite article or an
indefinite article but not both ;
Kutenai, a language isolate spoken in western Canada and the United States, for
example, there is a definite article,
Less common are languages in which there is an indefinite article but no
definite article [je crains qu'il ne fasse un seul paquet avec article et
referentiant]; sik et kat + wayamapi (copin) seulement un indefini, pas
d'indefini
definite articles Most commonly, are restricted to anaphoric uses and are
sometime glossed as ‗previously mentioned‘. The definite article nd-i in
Ngiti (Kutsch Lojenga (1994)), a Central Sudanic language of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, illustrated in (6), is an instance of a
definite article with such a restriction.
(66) y`a nd-i dza
this def house
‗this house (mentioned before)‘
emphase sur identité (X mesmo, X himself)
negation identité (tapirapé) [non X] est arrivé
3.3 pragmatique
jeu sur sens vs. reference: le pere de Marie parlant à la mère de Marie (=camera
de Kuno)
(67)
Marie est rentrée à trois heures
(68)
ta fille est rentrée à trois heures
defini (voir dans referentialité)
source information : visible / non visible (avec demonstratifs); autres :
(69) entró el dizque gran profesor
38
qxls
SN
proximal / obviatif (algonquien) : deux troisiemes personnes, hierarchisées
pragmatiquement :, (potawatomi : trois troisiemes personnes)saillance
pragmatique (interferent avec saillance semantique : possesseur > possédé)
modalité : honorifiques, hypocoristiques (interlocuteur, troisieme personne)
39