09_chpater 3

Chapter 3
rrfze 9{esearcfi Setting
Introduction
In this chapter we will see the research setting, the universe where the whole research has
been conducted, the geographical location of Rayagada district in Orissa, its population,
specially the tribal population. Apart from the discussion of general profile of Rayagada
district we will also see the discussion of the population and socio-economic profile of
primitive tribal groups in Orissa. The Saora tribe which is the prime focus ofthis research
has been discussed here. Their village setting, socio-economic, political, religious belief
and practices have been analyzed in great details in this chapter.
Orissa is situated facing the Bay of Bengal in the east and south-east and bounded
by the states of West Bengal in the north-east, Jharkhand in the north, Chhatisgarh in the
west and Andhra Pradesh in the south-west. It lies in the tropical zone between latitudes
17°47'N-22°34'N and longitudes 81°22'E-87°29'E and has an area of 1, 55, 271 sq.km
(MandaI, MukheIjee & Datta 2002:40). The state has 30 districts (see table-3.1) with a
total population of 36.80 million as per 2001 Census. Orissa is a maritime state in the
East coast ofIndia. It has an area of about 1,55,707 Sq K.M. It obtained statehood after
its separation from Bihar and Bengal and came into existence on 1st April 1936. The State
can be roughly divided on the basis of its physical features and agro climatic conditions,
into four zones:(i ) The Northern plateau, constituting 23 percentage ofthe total agricultural area,
(ii) The Central table land, constituting 23 percent of its landmass,
(iii) The Easten Ghat region, centitution 36 percent of the area, and,
(iv) The Coastal Plains making up of the remaining 18 percent (Mishra 1989:13).
77
Orissa has tropical mansoon climate with erratic distribution of rainfall. This climate
often results in floods, drought and cyclones, which affect its predominantly agricultural
economy and consequently its, State domestic product.
Habitat Profile
The state can be divided into four physiographic regions, viz (i) Northern Plateau or up
lands (ii) Eastern Ghat, (iii) Central table land and (iv) Low lying valleys and Coastal
plains. The Northern plateau includes the Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar and Sundargarh district
and the pallahara area of the Dhenkanal district. The region has formed the most
important, watershed of the rivers Baitarani and Brahmani. The Eastern Ghat runs southwest parallel to the coast. Some portions of the Koraput and Dhenkanal districts area
occupied by the Eastern Ghat. The hills, abruptly rising on the eastern side, gradually
slop down to the west up to 200m,in the Parakole and Malkangiri zones.The central table
land comprises Koraput, Kalahandi, Rayagada, the Western part of Ganjam, Phulbani
and the Southern part of Dhenkanal. The average elevation of the table land is
600m.covered with thick forest. The coastal plain includes small portion of Mayurbhanj,
major part of Balasore, some part of Cuttack, Puri and the eastern part of Ganjam
(ibid:40).
The state is drained by three mam rivers (i) Mahanadi, (ii) Brahmani (iii)
Baitarani. The Mahanadi together with the Brahmani and Baitarani has fonned the
extensive and fertile Mahanadi deltaic plain stretching from the lake Chilka in the south
to Bhadrak in the north. The combined water of the three rivers sometimes brings heavy
floods during rainy seasons (ibid:40). The plateau and hill slopes contain rocky soil with
a thin veneer of loam and the plains and valleys are characterized by fertile alluvial soil.
78
Major part of arable land in the Eastern Ghat contains mixed red and black soil, while the
valleys have more fertile, fine, dark and deep soil. The climate is tropical and very hot
through out the year with average annual temperature ranging from 25°C to 30°C and
average annual rainfall from 1,200 mm to 1,600 mm. It rains mostly from June to
September. The fertile soil and favourable climatic condition have encouraged the
luxuriant growth of vegetation. As a result the state appears to be exceptionally rich in
forest wealth, mostly confined to the upland rains and the Eastern Ghats. The state has
30.21 percent forest cover (Forest survey of India, 1999) which includes tropical semievergreen forests, tropical moist and dry deciduous forests and sub-tropical broad leaved
hill forests. Littoral forests occur in a narrow strip along the sea coast. Tribal
communities are partly dependent on forest and forest produce. Shifting cultivation is
occasionally practiced in the highland plateau region by the tribal communities.
Specially in the districts of Koraput, Sundargarh, Mayurbhanj and Kalahandi where there·
is a very high concentration of tribes (ibid:40).
Distribution of Tribes in Orissa
In India, Orissa has the largest tribal population after Chhattisgarh and North Eastern
States. The social, political and geographical situation of the tribal people of Orissa is
different and distinct from the North-Eastern states. However there is more or less
situation is comparable with that of central Indian tribes (Mohanty 1994:63). According
to 2001 census the total population of the state was 36.80 Million of which 22.13 percent
belong to the Scheduled Tribes who are mostly rural based. The tribal population in some
of the districts of the state are more than 50 percent, e.g. Mayrubhanj, Koraput,
Rayagada, Sundargarh etc. There are 63 tribal communities in Orissa (ibid:401). The
79
scheduled areas constitute one third of the total areas of the state. These include under
developed, inaccessible hilly and mountains terrain in the districts of (i)Koraput,
(ii)Rayagada, (iii)Malkangiri, (iv)Nawarangapur, (v)Mayurbhanj, (vi)Sundargarh, (vii)the
Uplands of the district of Gajapati and Gajam excluding a small portion of Soroda Taluk
(viii)Baliguda sub-division ofPhulbani district excluding Chakapad block.
Distribution of Tribal Population
The tribals account for 56.85 percent of the total population of the scheduled area, which
covers 56,553 Sq.K.M. The distribution of tribal population in Orissa is uneven (see
table-3.1). Three districts are taken to be tribal concentrated zones having more than 50
percent of its population being tribal.The three districts in Orissa are Mayurbhanj,
Koraput and Sundargarh. But after the reorganization of the old districts and creation of
17 new districts out of previous 13 in 1991,four new districts have acquired a tribal
population of more than 50 percent. They are Rayagada, Malkangiri, Kandhamal and
Nawarangpur districts. The six coastal districts have only a small percentage of tribal
population. The tribals are mainly living in the areas adjacent to the inland forest region.
Balasore with 10.57 percent, Bhadrak with 1.69 percent, Kendrapara with 0.4 percent,
Puri with 0.27 percent, lagatsinghpur with 0.61 and Ganjam with 2.93 percent (1992-93
Districts statistical year Book).Barring the six coastal districts and district of Khurda,
which was carved out of the old district of Puri and Cuttack district all the remaining
districts are inhabited
by sizeable proportions of tribal population. Extending from
northern Balasore boadering West Bengal, the tribal populations live covering the Eastern
Ghat ranges bodering lharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh right down to the
Malkangiri in the south.
80
Table-301
n°IS tOt
rIC WIse dOIS t rI°bUtoIon 0 f t rI°b a I popu I a f Ion
Sl.
Districts
Orissa
DEMOGRAPHY
Population Million-200l
Total
STs
%
3
4
5
36.8
8.15
22.13
Angul
Baleshwar
Bargarh
Bhadrak
Bolangir
Boudh
Cuttack
Deogarh
Dhenkanal
Gajapati
Ganjam
1agatsinghpur
laipur
lharsuda
Kalahandi
Kandhamal
Kendrapada
Kendujhar
Khorda
Koraput
Malkangir
Mayurbhanja
N abarangapur
Nayagada
Nuapada
Puri
Rayagada
Sambalpur
Sonapur
Sundargarh
1.14
2.02
1.35
1.33
1.34
0.37
2.34
0.27
1.07
0.52
3.16
1.06
1.62
0.51
1.34
0.65
1.3
1.56
1.88
1.18
0.5
2.22
1.03
0.87
0.53
1.5
0.83
0.94
0.54
1.83
2
1
1
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21
22.
23.
24.
25
26.
27
28.
29.
30.
0.13
0.23
0.26
0.03
0.28
0.05
0.08
0.09
0.14
0.26
0.09"
0.009
0.13
0.16
0.38
0.34
0.007
0.7
0.1
0.59
0.29
1.26
0.56
0.05
0.18
0.004
0.46
0.32
0.05
0.92
11.67
11.28
19.36
1.88
20.63
12.47
3.57
33.6
12.79
50.79
2.88
0.82
7.76
31.34
28.65
51.96
0.52
44.5
5.18
49.62
57.43
56.6
55.03
5.88
34.71
0.3
55.76
34.5
9.78
50.19
Sources: Scheduled Castes & Scheduled Tribes Research and Training
Institute,Orissa,Bhubaneswar.
81
Tribal Communities
There are as many as 62 tribal communities (given in names of the communities in table3.2) which have been recognized as scheduled tribes in Orissa under Article-342 of the
Constitution. These communities include the 13 primitive tribal groups in the state mostly
confined in the Tribal Sub-Plan area. There may be a principal tribe inhabiting a
particular area but in reality every district and every tribal block has more than one tribe
within it. According to one survey more than one community practically live in every
village (Mohanty 1994: 66). 50 percent or more of the communities out of 62 tribal
communities speak a tribal language other than the Oriya. The Santhal, Kolha, Munda,
Bhuyan and Oraon are the major tribes of the districts Sundargarh,
Keonjhar and
Mayurbhanj. All these tribes are Central Indian tribes which are some times commonly
referred to as Kols and speak a dialect of the Mundari group of language and culture and
claim to have migrated from Chhotanagpur, Singhbum and their neighbouring places in
Bihar. Thus, claiming a regional identity in matters of their origin, mythology, culture
and tradition (Mishra 1989: 125-126). The other tribes found in the North East belt are
Bhumija, Bhathudi, Bhuiya, Ho, Gond, Sounti and Khand.
The major tribes of the Southern Orissa under the tribal region are Bhottada,
Bhumla, Gond, Godaba, Khond, Soras, Porojas and Koyas. According to (Mishra
1989: 126), " The tribes which are seen in this part of the state are the original settlers or
the tribes ofthe Dravidian origin and have little affiliation to the tribes of northern Orissa.
They have their own distinctive tradition, mythology and culture and are influenced by
the Dravidian tribes. Further, the Khonds
numbering 9,89,342 are the dominant tribes
of the region. They live mostly in the district ofKoraput, Kalahandi and Phulbani, in fact,
82
90 percent of the Khonds of India live in Orissa and they fonn 16.72 percent of Orissa
tribal population (Mohanty 1994: 67).
Table-3.2
Names of Tribal Communities in Orissa
SI No List of Scheduled Tribes notified (after addition/.deletion)as per the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes Order, 1950 as amended by Modification Order, 1956, Amendment Act, 1976
and The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Order (Amendment) Act 2002 No. 10 dated
8.1.2003 of Ministry of Law & Justice republished by the Notification No. 7799/ L dated 7.6.2003
of Law Deptt, Govt. of Orissa
1
Bagata, Bhakta
2
Baiga
3.
Banjara, Banjari
4.
Bathudi, Bathuri
5.
Bhottada, Dhotada, Bhotra, Bhatra, Bhattara, Bhotora, Bhatara
6.
Bhuiya, Bhuyan
7.
Bhumia
8.
Bhumij, Teli Bhumij, HaJadipokhria Bhumij, HaJadi Pokharia Bhumija, Desi Bhumij, Desia
Bhumij, Tamaria Bhumij
9.
Bhunjia
10.
Binjhal, Binjhwar
11.
Binjhia, Binjhoa
12.
Birhor
13.
Bondo Poraja, Bonda Paroja, Banda Paroja
14.
Chenchu
15.
Dal
16.
Desua Bhumij
17.
Dharua, Dhuruba, Dhurva
18.
Didayi, Didai Paroja, Didai
83
19.
Gadaba, Bodo Gadaba, Gutob Gadaba, Kapu Gadaba, Ollara Gadaba, Parenga Gadaba,
Sano Gadaba
20.
Gandia
2l.
Ghara
22.
Gond, Gondo, Rajgond, Maria Gond, Dhur Gond
23.
Ho
24.
Holva
25.
Jatapu
26.
Juang
27.
Kandha Gauda
28.
Kawar, Kanwar
29.
Kharia, Kharian, Berga Kharia, Dhelki Kharia, Dudh Kharia, Erenga Kharia, Munda Kharia,
Oraon Kharia, Khadia, Pahari Kharia
30.
Kharwar
3l.
Khond, Kond, Kandha, Nanguli Kandha, Sitha Kandha, Kondh, Kui, Buda Kondh, Bura Kandha,
Desia Kandha, Dungaria Kondh, Kutia Kandha, Kandha Gauda, Muli Kondh, Malua
Kondh, Pengo Kandha, Raja Kondh, Raj Khond
32.
Kissan, Nagesar, Nagesia
33.
Kol
34.
Kolah, Loharas, Kol Loharas
35.
Kolha
36.
Koli Malhar
37.
Kondadora
38.
Kora, Khaira, Khavara
39.
Korua
40.
Kotia
4l.
Koya, Gumba Kova, Koitur Kova, Kamar KoVa, Musara KoVa
- -
84
-
42.
Kulis
43.
Lodha, Nodh, Nodha, Lodh
44.
Madia
45.
Mahali
46.
Mankidi
47.
Mankirdia, Mankria, Mankidi
48.
Matya, Matia
49.
Mirdhas, Kuda, Koda
50.
Munda, Munda Lohara, Munda Mahalis, Nagabanshi Munda, Oriya Munda
51.
Mundari
52.
Omanatya, Omanatyo, Amanatya
53.
Oraon, Dhangar, Uran
54.
Parenga
55.
Paroja, Parja, Bodo paroja, Barong Jhodia Paroja, Chhelia Paroja, Jhodia Paroja, Konda
Paroja, Paraja, Ponga Paroja, Sodia Paroja, Sano Paroja, Solia Paroja
56.
Pentia
57.
Rajuar
58.
Santal
59.
Saora, Sayar, Saura, Sahara, Arsi Saora, Based Saora, Bhima Saora, Bhimma Saora,
Chumura Saora, Jara Sayar, Jadu Saora, Jati Sa ora, Juari Saora, Kampu Sa ora, Kampa
Soura, Kapo Saora, Kindal Saora, Kumbi Kancher Saora, Kalapithia Saora, Kirat Saora,
Lanjia Saora, Lamba Lanjia Saora, Luara Saora, Luar Saora, Laria SaYar, Malia Saora,
Malia Saora, Uriya Saora, Raika Saora, Sudda Saora, Sarda Saora, Tankala Saora, Patro
Saora, Vesu Saora
60.
Shabar Lodha
6l.
Sounti
62.
Tharua, Tharua Bindhani
Sources: Scheduled Caste & Scheduled Tribe Research and Training Institute Bhubaneswar, Orissa
(Note: Names in !bold'indicate that they were enlisted/ modified subsequently)
85
Tribes of Orissa: Socio-economic and Political Profile
The Adivasis of Orissa are politically, economically and socially backward according to
the standard of development today. Because of this, special attention has been given to
their development. For instance, Koraput district is designated as 'excluded' by the
government of India Act 1935 and thereby come under the direct administration of the
Governor Koraput and is legally described as a scheduled district because of the same
features. Nearby 2 lakhs tribes remain unaffected by 'modern civilization' even to day.
The tribal of Orissa share different social, economic and cultural situation. On the one
hand there are backward groups practicing shifting cultivation, they are the Kutia Kondh,
Bonda, Hill luang and Paudi Bhuinya. On the other hand, there are "assimilated' groups
who are indist,inguishable from the general rural population ofthe country. Between these
two extreme situations there are various groups of tribals who are in traditional stages.
The problems and ills of the tribals may be grouped under two categories. The
first category is formed by those problems which, like those of 'new habitats,' language
and shifting cultivation once peculiar to some or many of them and are not common to
other classes of Indian population. In the second category are comprised such problems
which arise because of intrusion of the British system of law and revenue in their
communities. From the forest laws, and from the laws of their land the combined result
of the British system and the capacity of the money-lending classes. The situation of the
tribes became pathetic and they could never recover. Having discussed the socio-
86
economic and political profiles of tribals, let us now high light the various problems
faced by the tribals.
Problems of Tribal People
Problems of any social group can be understood under two heads, one at economic and
other at cultural level. This discussion also spells out tribal issues in these terms. With
regard to the problems of the tribals one school of thought believes that these problems
are primarily economic where as the others think that these are primarily cultural. Except
the few, scholars belonging to both the schools accept the importance of both the aspects.
The culturists grant the importance of economic problems and vice versa. They differ in
their emphasis and approach, which results into different sets of strategies for resolving
them. Concerned scholars from both the schools of thought are bothered, how to bring
economic development among the tribals without tampering their culture.
Tribes and Economic Problems
All the tribes do not enjoy similar economic status. This was also true in the past. There
were different tribes at the different economic stages. Some were at the food-gathering
stage, some were following shifting or Jhun cultivation and many others were settled
agriculturists like the non-tribals .There are a few tribes in the frontier and non-frontier
areas who are still at that stage. Many of the tribals, those who are still living in mountain
and hilly areas of Assam, Bihar, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharastra
and Orissa are practicing shifting cultivation known as Jhum or Penda or Bewar in
different region (Deogaonkar 1994:117). One of the reasons for not following plough
cultivation was absence of agricultural equipment and modem technological know how.
Jhum cultivation depends on nature and hence is not productive. Because of lack of
87
irrigation facilities the tribals have to depend on natural rain or weather rain and if that is
irregular, the productivity is also hampered.
Land Alienation
Unscrupulous money lenders and traders grab and misappropriated tribal's lands and
made them landless labourers on their lands.Thus the tribals who were traditional farmers
were turned into farm labourers and were further reduced to bonded labourers. Later,
though legislation followed declaring all transfers of land from tribals to non- tribals
illegal, the loopholes were skillfully manipulated by the rich defeating the very purpose
of legislation.
Landless tribals who had their habitat in forests often encroached upon patches of
cultivatable land available in the forest in the vicinity of their villages. As a part of its
social policy, the Government declared that all such encroachments, in which FIR's had
been filed would be regularized and pattas (rights over land) issued. But the Forest
Department delayed it and even failed in producing the encroachment warrants thus the
tribals could not get the benefit.
Displacement and Rehabilitation
Though by law the sale of land of tribals to non-tribals is prohibited, yet large tracts of
land belonging to the tribals have exchanged lands or tribals have been alienated or
displaced. The so-called development projects, dams and industrial complexes are the
major source of alienation for the tribals. Rehabilitation policy of the government is a
British legacy. No major change has been made in the Rehabilitation Act of 1894.The
displaced families are not only uprooted from their natural environment, but more often
than, they are not given adequate fertile land. They were given compensation in the form
88
of cash from which they can hardly buy the land equal in size to the land they lost
(Mankadi & Gangagopadhyay 1983 :89).
The tribals lack articulation and entrepreneurial skills for taking advantage of the
competitive market. In course of time, they spend the amount they received in
compensation and join the army of the landless labourer.No accurate figures are available
regarding the number of displaced families under big and small dams. A report of the
Home Ministry gives information regarding the displaced families by the dams in Orissa
is given in table.
Table-3.3
Displacement of Tribals due to Different Projects in Orissa
SI.
No.
Name ofthe Project
Extent of Subversion/ Displacement
---....
....=-;;~
~
_
~
1.
2.
3.
~
CJ
<=
Balimela & Hydro 17516
electric project
Upper
Indravati NA
Project
Upper Kolab Dam 9067
Project
. '" E--- '"
z==
. -; e eo..0. ·....-e...
0_
z==;;. ~..s z..s
eo.. '"
o ~
o
.~
rJ)
~
~
E---~
E---
rJ)
....0
'"
- e'"
~
::
~ ......,
~ .,...
c.,. ....
0== 0
Q
e .. ~
~~
~
~
91
1200
1174
98%
99
1363
3000
89%
40
1630
4567
96%
Source: Report of the Committee on Rehabilitation for Displaced Tribals Due to Development
Project, 1985.
The industrial development in the county does not provide even satisfactory employment
to the tribals. In Chhotanagpur area, though the tribals constitute more than 50 percent of
the total population, there is not even 5 percent of them is representing in industrial work
force.In some ofthe large firms like TISCO, Jameshedpur and Bharat Cooking Coal Ltd.
Dhanbad, the tribal employments are less than 5 percent. Thus, in the development
89
projects, the tribals not only lost their land and got uprooted from their cultural milieu,
but they also have not got absorbed in the job market (Roy 1982:34).
Darkness is the midst of light in Jharkhand and Orissa. The areas contain at most
all the steel plants, Bokaro, Rourkela, Jamshedpur, all the power plants of the Damodar
Valley Projects and the Hirakud Dam of Orissa.There is no darts of development, but
only at the cost of the people there. Industries displace them, dams drawn them and
afforestation starves them.
Forests and the tribals
The original habitat or home of the tribals is forest since time immemorial and they had
been the real forest guards before this function was taken over by Zamindars and later by
the government. In order to survive they exploit forest resources but not for the
commercial purpose. Government made over enthusiastic, unrealistic policies irrespective
of its pious objectives, the tribal was rendered an 'outsider' in his own traditional home,
the forest. He became completely dependent on the forest officials. Particularly the forest
guards, foresters etc. and eventually get exploited.
Economic Exploitation.
Since time immemorial the tribals are exploited by money lenders, traders, merchants and
also by Britishers.With the help of barter system the above stated classes exploited the
tribals. This system has been curbed but not fully eliminated even by the help of new
public banking system. The system lacks flexibility, cumbersome and inconvenient for
the tribals, so they once again caught in trap of the traditional sahukar,whom they know
every closely. In terms of social and cultural exploitation the tribal women/girls are
victims of this exploitation. Tribal culture and their traditional dress and free behavior are
90
wrongly conceived the outsiders such as contractors, truck driver, government
employees, etc.be little their culture and consider it cheap and vulnerable. On the one
hand, the development administration has added a new dimension to tribal exploitation.
Those who are sent to ameliorate their poverty and misery join the bandwagon of
exploiters, at times joining hands with the traditional exploiters, such as patwaris, forest
guards and foresters, rangers, some village level workers and police constables who have
given rise to a new class creating more complicated problems.
Tribal Unemployment
Prior to administrative intervention, tribal economy was self-supporting subsistence
economy and the tribal people were complacent, could satisfy their major wants and
mainly depending on hunting, food-gathering, picking up of minor forest produce,
primitive or traditional methods of cultivation where in they worked on their own land
and had some cattle etc., with development, rights in forest were reduced, hunting,
picking of forest produce controlled and during past years land was also alienated thus
rendering many tribals landless laboures.They had to work as wage earners under forest
contractors or building contractors either in their own area or as migrants to other areas.
Bonded labour also became common. This reduced them to such a low social and
economic status, as they had never experienced. Unemployment increased because those
who never depended upon others for their livelihood were reduced to a dependent status.
A few in the primitive areas reverted to shifting cultivation while some left the forest
habitat and shifted to urban areas for jobs and became slum-dwellers facing all the
miseries and agonies of the urban poor.
91
Poverty ,Bondage and Tribes
Nearly 90 percent of the tribal population depended on agriculture for their livelihood of
these as many as 30 percent do not own any land of their own. In the absent of any
alternative sources of income they work as daily labourers in the fields of the landlords,
many of them as bonded labours. It is estimated that there are 3.5 lakhs bonded labours in
Orissa (March 1981). The incidents are above 20,000 in Balasore, Keonjhar, Cuttack,
Balangir, Dhenkanal, Kalahandi, Mayurbhanj and Samblpur district of the undivided
district of Orissa.
Rural and particularly tribal indebtedness is the main reason for the emergence of
this system, locally known as'Halia'once a tribal is indebted his children are born in debt,
live in debt and die in debt. A Planning Commission survey of Koraput district (1969)
revealed that 55 Percent of the household survived indebted and the rate interest charged
range between 25 and 100 percent per year.
Cultural Problems
Culture is a description of a particular way of life, which expresses certain meanings and
values not only in art and learning, but also in institution and behaviour (William
1981 :43-44).The analysis of culture, from such definition is the clarification of the
meanings and values implicit and explicit in a particular way of life of a particular
culture. Thus the culture includes norms and values and social institutions like family,
which shape the way of life.
Culture is closely related with material conditions not only the mode of
production, but also the stage in technological development, and availability of physical
92
resources. Though culture changes with the change in material conditions, the
relationship between the two is not simply mathematical of one to one.
Culture shapes the life style and values, which are transmitted from generation to
generation through socialization. In course of time, culture acquires autonomy of its own,
shaping the way of life of the people, determining goals and guiding people to make
choices between 'good' and 'bad', 'right' and 'wrong', 'just' and 'unjust' and so on.
Similar cultural heritage creates solidarity among the members and develops the sense of
identity. At the same time cultural ethos and way of life of the people do not continue to
function for long in the same form and content without the support of meaningful
material conditions. Culture resists change in certain material conditions, which is
incongruent with its ethos; and disturbing the way of life and creating tension. Slowly
new norms are evolved and'new institutions emerge.
Capitalist development and various regulations of the government as well as the
spread of Hinduism and Christianity-have affected the cultures of different tribes. For
example religious beliefs and practices of the Mishing tribe of Assam have been
influenced by the local Hindu population.
The importance of culture having crucial role for economic development has been
recognized both the classical economists and sociologists like Smith and Weber. Weber
believed that Protestant Ethics favour capitalism to emerge while Hinduism adversely
effected economic development. Thus culture is an influential factor for development.
Hence we should give proper importance of rapidly changing scenario both on the part of
culture as other aspect of development (ChatteIjee & Ghosh 1998: 156-157).
93
Problem of Education
Education is a prerequisite for the socio-economic development of any community. So,
tribal community is no exception to it. Because it is only through education that their
attitudes can be developed, hidden potentialities explored and talents brought out, so as to
enable them to perceive the schemes critically of their development. There are certain
socio-cultural constraints in a tribal society, which render the spread of formal education
difficult among the tribes. Tribal ecosystem, their habitat and home atmosphere constitute
a major constraint that prevents generation of any zeal for formal education. The home
culture of the tribal child and the school culture run almost parallel to each other.
Therefore, the tribal child looks normal composure in the school atmosphere.
Language is a part, product and vehicle of culture and as such,it is very crucial for
education. A child's informal education and the process of enculturisation are
accomplished through his mother tongue. A child's cognitive system is in perfect
correlation with its language system and hence, his receptivity is higher when he is taught
in his mother tongue.
A tribal child, coming to the school for the first time, finds all the activities of the
school conducted in a language, which he can't follow. The difference between home
language and school language acts as a major barrier for the tribal children.
As the instruction model is in regional language and the teaching methods are
urban based, the tribal child feels alienated from his native dialect, which eventually
reduces his participation in studies. Textbooks used in tribal schools are largely the same
as in other areas and the contents of the books do not take into account the socio-cultural
environment of the area and the people. The books based on urban middle class culture,
94
contain ideas, concepts and themes alien to the tribal children which not only create
problems in learning, they also create in tribal learners a negative attitude toward
themselves and their culture. Further the school curricula lacks the items of entertainment
like singing, dancing and practicing bow and arrow etc.that could attract the tribal
children.
When countries all over the world have special educational programmes for their
ethnic minorities, in India, we hardly have any special educational programmes for the
tribals. Of course in Orissa and some other states like Maharastra, there are separate
schools for tribal children. But these schools have nothing special to offer or cater to the
special educational needs of tribal students except that they are residential schools where
the expenses are borne by the government.
Thus, by ignoring the language and culture of the tribals,the present system of
education creates inferiority complex and a low self-image in him, which nips in bud his
interest for learning. For any sort of development, literacy is main factor but it lack in the
tribals by which they are underdeveloped.
General Profile of Rayagada District
Rayagada with her rolling mountains, terraced valleys, with her golden autumn
slumbering summer and her winter ranging from fierce to mild which provides a variety
of weather. This district of Rayagada was first carved as a separate district out of the old
Koraput district on 02.10.1992. Rayagada district comprises two Sub-divisions namely
Rayagada and Gunpur (District Welfare Office,Rayagada 2005:1). The geographical area
of the district is 7584.7 Sq Kms. The district consists of 2667 Revenue villages of which
222 are inhabited. It comprises of 4 Tahasils, 11 Blocks and 12 Police stations in two Sub-
95
divisions (District Welfare Office, Rayagada 2005: l).The population of the district as
per 2001 Census is 8,31,109 of which urban population is 1,15,407 and the rest 7,15,702
are rural inhabitants. Similarly the total scheduled tribe population of the district is
4,63,418 wherein the urban tribal population is 14,001 and the remaining 4.49,417 are of
rural habitants. Scheduled Tribes constitute more than 50% of the total district
population. Hence the entire district is declared as scheduled area. As per 2001 census
the following demografic profiles of Rayagada district are indicated below:
Percentage of District Population of State Population
Decennial Growth Rate(P ercentage) 1991-20001 (p)
2.24%
15.27%
Sex Ratio (Females Per '000 males)2001 (p)
Population Density (per Sqr.Km)2001(p)
1029
116
Table-3.4
Rayagada Population and Educational Profile
Population, 2001, Census (Provisional)
SC
ST
OC
Literacy
2001(p)
Rates Male
Female
Total
Education (1999-2000)
8,23,000
1,17,524(14.28%)
4,61,209(56.04%)
2,44,266(29.68%)
47.35%
24.31%
35.61%
Primary Schools: No. of Schools
Enrolment
No.ofTeachers
Middle Schools: No. of Schools
Enrolment
No.ofTeachers
Secondary
No. of Schools
Schools:
Enrolment
No.of Teachers
General
No. of Schools
Collages:
Enrolment
No.ofTeachers
Source: District Welfare Office Rayagada
96
1484
84000
3203
186
10000
361
83
14000
711
19
9000
245
In independent India the 'Hill Tribes' of Koraput (undivided) were divided into
three categories i.e Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Classes
under the Constitution order of 1950. It seems the experts and the theoreticians have
divided the whole population of Rayagada artificially without designing the scientific
parameter. It also seems that the State designed the so-called developmental
projects/Schemes to make the whole populace of the Hill Tribes as the second rate carbon
copy of ourselves which Pandit Nehru feared years back.
The layman's image of tribe (after he got exposure to Rayagada region for some
time) is that of a small group of people living in seclusion, accustomed to carefree and
hand to mouth existence without any idea of saving for the rainy day and traditionally
unmindful of the intricacies of modem life unless and until their traditional customs and
taboos, mores and ethos and way of life are tampered with. This concept of tribal life and
culture is a figment of the imagination of the age-old relations existing between tribals
and their non-tribal neighbours; a myth rather than an empirical truth. Today tribals very
rarely live in total isolation anywhere in the world. They are caught between conventional
and current cultural changes that are sweeping the world. The degree of percolation of
socio-economic process is mainly conditioned by the nature of communication and
transport facilities available in Rayagada region.With the rapid strides made by
Community and Tribal Development projects and Programmes ultimately led to creation
of new economic opportunities and a shift in the age-old cultural standards and valueattitude systems of the people of this region.
97
Population and Socio-economic Profile of Primitive Tribal Groups in
Orissa
Among hundreds of tribal communities living across the length and breadth of our
country, there are some groups who are relatively isolated,
archaic, vulnerable,
relatively deprived and economically backward. They have been identified and
designated as Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs) for the purpose of providing special
attention for development.
According to 2001 census the primitive tribes account for 2% of total 1.36 million
population of scheduled tribe population of India. Orissa has the distinction of having the
largest number ofPTGs (13) among all the States and Union Territories ofIndia.They are
the Bonda, Birhor, Didayi, Paudi Bhuyan, Lanjia Saora,Hill Kharia, Mankirdia, Kutia
Kondh, Dongria Kondh, luang, Chutia Bhunjia, Lodha and Saora. Their identification has
been done from time to time (see table-3.4). The literacy among them is very low which
is evident from the table below (see table-3.5).
Table-3.4
SI.No.
Identification of PTGs in Orissa in Different Plan Periods
Plan Period
Year
PTGs
1.
5th Five Year Plan
1974-79
Bonda
2.
Plan Holiday
1979-80
luang,Lanjia Saora,Kutia Kondh,Dongria
Kondh,Saora,Paudi Bhuyan,Birhor
3.
ih Five Year Plan
1985-90
Didayi,HiII Kharia,Mankirdia,Lodha
4.
8th five Year Plan
1992-97
Chuktia Bhunjia
Source: Socio-Economlc Survey conducted by SCRTRTI,BBSR,2001-02 &2007
98
Table-3.5
Population & Literacy Rate of PTGs in Orissa '
SI.
No.
Name of the
PTG
Name of the Micro Project with
Address
Population
Literacy Rate(%)
Total
Male
Female
1.
Bonda
6008
10.33
17.15
4.70
2.
Chuktia
Bhunjia
2269
18.77
28.55
9.17
3
Didayi
6545
7.36
12.34
2.99
4
Dongria
Kondh
Bonda development
Agency,Mudulipada
Chuktia Bhunjia
Development
Agency,Sunabeda
Didayi Development
Agency,Kudumulguma
Dongria Kondh Development
AgenceY,Kurli
Dongria Kondh Development
AgencY,Parsali
Juang Development
Agency, Gonasika
6036
16.23
30.27
6.02
2567
14.40
22.72
6.08
8281
24.12
36.66
11.96
2082
30.45
41.63
19.45
5524
25.83
37.96
14.58
2549
32.56
44.64
20.22
5441
29.54
35.23
19.15
5774
32.99
41.00
25.33
2840
23.41
29.32
17.08
5633
34.68
46.25
23.11
3914
19.23
25.88
12.58
3655
20.41
22.51
18.32
5361
44.00
60.96
26.88
4040
26.32
40.65
15.92
5
Juang
6
Hill Kharia
7
Mankirdia
8
Birhor
9
10
Kutia
Kondh
Lanjia
Saora
11
Lodha
12
Puadi
Bhuyan
13
Saora
Hill Kharia,Mankirdia &
Birhor Development
Agency,Jashipur
Kutia Kondh Development
Agency,Belghar
Kutia Kondh Development
Agency,Lanjigarh
Lanjia Saora Development
Agency,Seranga
Lanjia Saora Development
Agency,Puttasing
Lodha Development
Agency,Morada
Puadi Bhuyan Development
Agency,J amardihi
Puadi Bhuyan Development
Agency,Khuntgaon
Puadi Bhuyan development
Agency,Rugudakudar
Saora Development
Agency, Chandragiri
Tumba Development
Agency,Tumba
Source: SoclO-EconomlC Sun1ey conducted by SCRTRTLBBSR,2001-02 &2007
99
Saora
According to 2001 census in Orissa the Saora as the tribal community is th.e forth largest
tribe with a total population of 4,73,233 of which 2,35,739 male and 2,37,494 female in.
They are concentrated in the districts of Sambalpur, Ganjam, Koraput, Rayagada,
Puri(khurda) and Dhenkanal. They are also distributed in other districts in small numbers.
The Saora villages are mostly homogeneous. They are also known as Savar, Saora and
Sahara in different states. Saora live in the adjoining states of Andhra Pradhesh,
WestBengal, Bihar (Jharkhand) Madhya Pradhesh(Chhatisgarh) and Maharastra. They
inhabits the hill areas usually covered with forest. At home they speak Soara, their
mother tongue, which belongs to the Austro-Asiatic language family. In Orissa, Oriya is
their second language.
The Saora are divided into separate units based on occupation such as, Jadu,
Kumbi, Lanjia, Sudha, etc. These units maintains endogamy for marriage alliance. These
are two broad territorial divisions among them,viz (i)The Hill Saoras and (ii) the plain
Saoras. The plain Saoras are mostly settled cultivators. They practice shifting as well as
terrace cultivation followed by hunting, gathering and fishing.
Lanjia Saora Development Agency
The Lanjia Saoras are still in primitive stage in spite of their practice of settled and
terraced cultivation. Their annual growth rate of population is only 1.01 percent.
Tradition-bound customary laws seem to exist in their society. Lanjia saoras who are
found in large concentration in Gumma block of the Parlakhemundi Sub-division in
Gajapati district and Gunpur block of the Gunpur Sub-division in Rayagada district. On
the way from Gunpur to puttasingi comes a village called Jaltar which is situated at a
100
distance of 10 km away from Gunpur. From this place one has to climb hill ranges, rising
about 3000 ft above the sea level, for a distance of another 10 km to reach Puttasingi
village. Extending from Puttasingi to Gumma and beyond upto Seranga ,the entire
landscape dotted with Saora village is full of scenic valleys with terraced paddy fields
and swidden patches. With the Lanjia Saoras live the Dombs and the Panos,a
Christianised
Scheduled Caste community, in separate settlements of which
Puttasingi,Gumma and Seranga are most important. These are the main business centres
where the itinerant traders belonging to the Pano community are found in large
concentration.
The Saora Village
In the Saora country the hills are considered units of settlements. The place which is
selected for human settlements must have hills and water resources. The hills are very
important for carrying on shifting cultivation in the hill slops. Another characteristic of
the Saora settlement is the terrace which are built from the foot-hills right upto the hilltops. These terraced fields with stone packed the walls and contour bounding exhibit
great engineering skill of the Lanjia Saoras. It is in these terraces that paddy is grown
under irrigated conditions. The near by hills streams for irrigation purposes. The Saora
settlements do not conform to any preplanned architectural designe. Some settlements
conform to a linear pattern and others to a shapeless cluster. Most of the Saora villages
are located in the hill-slopes close to the foot-hills. Since sufficient plain lands are not
available the place has to be leveled for the construction of the houses. The levelling
takes the form of terrace on which individual houses are built. A village may have several
rows of houses on terraces one upon the other. Where the land is of irregular shape with
101
ups and downs, it becomes difficult to make regular long terraces and in such situation
the houses are built here and there and therefore the settlement pattern conforms to a
shapeless cluster of houses. Generally,the families who are related to one another by
blood, making a lineage or a Birinda as it is called, live together in a terrace (Patnaik
2005:169). Where sufficient spaced is not available in the same row, the additional
related families go the next step in terraces and built houses there to settle down.Thus in
some cases,houses belonging to one Birinda are found living in a long row in a terrace
and in other cases Birinda members are scattered in different clusters. The village path
runs up and down the terraces between the rows of houses.
Generally, the Saora houses are small and are built on a rectangular ground plain.
The walls are either stone packed plastered with mud or mud walled. The plinth of the
houses is raised high to allow free drainage. The verandah in front is wide enough for the
members of the household to sit and spend time gossiping and doing some household
works such as husking grains,making mats and ropes. Some of the agricultural
implements,like plough are kept on the verandah. In some cases,a pigsty is provided in
the space bellow the elevated verandah. Similarly a fowl pen is also provided at one end
below the front verandah.
The main room which is used for sleeping serves as a passage from front to the
back of the house. A partition wall on the inner side separates the portion used for
cooking meals and storing water. A loft made of wooden planks is provided in the
kitchen portion. The hearth is under the loft where the housewife cooks the meals for the
family members. The l110liar in which grains are pounded is fixed in the floor of the main
house near the front door. In one comer of the house near the hearth is the place for the
102
family deities placed in earthen pots. Many household articles like bows and arrows,
sickle, knife, hand axe, etc. are struck to the roof (Patnaik 2005).
Economic Life of Saora
Saoras depend primarily on agriculture for their livehood. They also collect forest
produce and hunt animals which supplement their income from cultivation. The Saoras
practice three types of cultivation the first being the kitchen garden in lands near the
houses,the second type,which is major one is the shifting cultivation in the hill-slopes,
and the third type is the paddy cultivation in terraced fields under irrigated conditions.
Shifting cultivation is extensively practiced by the Saoras. The period of cultivation in a
swidden patch is generally two years and the period of fallow varies from four to six
years.Of all the mixed crops grown in the swidden the pulses mostly cajanas cajan and
turmeric are the two important crops. Besides these major crops,minor millets of various
types are also grown in the swidden (Patnaik 2005: 170). Paddy is cultivated in the
terraced fields in the lower reaches of the hills and cereals mostly ragi (Elusine
corocana), Horse gram (Olichos biflorus) and black gram (Phaseolus aurcus) are grown
in the uplands.
The Saoras are very labourious and put lots of labour for preparing terrace on hillslopes for paddy cultivation. The terraces are built right on the beds of hill-streams and
extended to a long distance from the depth of the valleys to the hill-slopes and some
running almost to the hill-top. The platform of the terraces are flat throughout and the fall
the terraces is stone packed. The construction of the terrace is so ingeniously and
skillfully made that very little soil is carried down with the water that flows from the
higher terraces to the lower. In fact, the Saoras are very careful cultivators skilled in
103
revetment,terracing and water management. It is interesting note that the flow of water
from the higher terraces to the lower terraces is very skillfully engineered. It is controlled
by the channels and water ways which are provided in the ridges of the terraces. There is
another way of facilitating the flow of water from the higher terraces to the lower ones.
Two or three pits are dug at the lower side of an upper terrace and these pits are packed
with boulders. The water flows to these pits and from there through the boulders trickles
to the terraces down below.
The highlands of the Saoras country is characterized by typical topography and
climatic conditions which are most congenial for horticultural plantations particularly
orange and other citrous plants. High altitude,good drainage and cool climate have
favoured the growth of orange plants in the hill-slopes replacing in many places the
shifting cultivation. Lacking in Co-operative organisation and improved knowledge in
horticulture, the Saoras are not able to get the profit to the extent that could have been
generated had there not been any organizational constraints and limitations (ibid:171).
Labour Co-operative among Saoras
The Co-operative Labour System,which is called Ansir, is in vogue among the Saoras.
Ansir is a kind of labour system is which different families help each other by working
on the fields during agricultural season. The team is given food and drink by the person
in whose land they work and there is no labour charges in cash. There is another type of
labour system in which a man or a woman works in the field of another person without
expecting payment. There is a voluntary labour system for mutual help. The members of
Birinda help each other at the time of need. A kind of mutual help is also prevalent in the
case of cattle tending. In this case,all families living in a village provide one person from
104
each family by tum to tend cattle of the villagers (Patnaik 2005: 171). Barter system is
also prevalent in Saora economic life.
Social Organisation among Saora
Family is the smallest social unit of the Saora community. The nuclear family type is
most common and also the most numerous. A family comprises of parents and unmarried
children. There may be old grand parents or widow sisters in family. Among the Saoras,
the family is male dominated. The senior most male member of the family is the head. It
is therefore patriarchal. The Saoras have no exogamous totemic clan, no phratries and no
moieties. The main exogamous unit is the extended family,the members of which believe
to have descended from a common ancestor.This unit is called Birinda which is based on
patrilineage (Patnaik 2005: 172). According to Patnaik (2005) a women does not change
her Birinda membership even after marriage. A person's mother's Birinda plays an
important part in his or her affairs. There is no clear rule of post material residence.
Married sisters are found living in the same village with their seminal brothers and the
bond between the seminal sisters is very close and intimate. But normally the sisters after
marriage leave their parents and go to live with their parents-in-law in other villages. In
this case the Saora society is patrilocal.
The ownership of property always goes to the male members on a hereditary
basis. Though women playa great role in managing the property, they are not given any
right to own any property of their parents. In the matter of property inheritance,the sons
enjoy greater rights than the daughters. After the husband's death,if the wife does not
have son then she is not entitled to get the property of her husband. The property goes to
the nearest Birinda member who gives the widow's daughter to marriage and provide
105
the fanner livelihood till death. The assets of a woman which she has brought from her
father's house on her marriage are recognized as her own belonging and her husband has
no right over her property (Patnaik 2005: 172).
Political Organisation of Saora
Every Saora village has well established political organization. Each village, politically
speaking,is autonomous and locally self-supporting. The Soaras have no indigenous
centralized political authority or political confederacies. Among them each village has a
secular headman called Gomango who is a man of high prestige. Equally important is
the village religious headman who is known as the Buyya. The office of secular and
religious headmen are hereditary and the rule of primogeniture regulates succession. In
addition to these offices which are indigenous, there is in some villages an astrologer
called Disari and this post is achieved not ascribed like the religious
and secular
headmenship. In many villages there are village Shamans (sorcerers). There are divinerShamans and doctor-Shamans and they are of either sex. In most villages there is a post
called Barika who acts as the village messenger. Invariably he belongs to either Domb or
Pano Community (ibid: 173).
Allotment of land on the hill-slopes among the villagers for shifting cultivation is
made in a common village meeting attended by all adult male members. This custom is
now rarely followed since the swidden patches do not change hands and the villagers
continue to carryon shifting cultication year after year in the patches which were allotted
to them long ago. Even though no one has any legal right of ownership over the swidden
patches but every cultivator feels to have ownership rights notionally over the patches
which are in his possession for years.
106
Annual cycle of festivals and days and times of holding them are decided
unanimously in village meetings. Cases relating to the partition of property, sale and
mortgage of lands,cases of divorce and many social matters are decided in the meetings.
Over every village meeting the village Gomango had to preside, initiate discussions, and
make public and unanimously arrived decisions (Patnaik 2005: 173).
The relationship in the Saora community is multiple and it acts like an organisms
in which every individual acts in accordance with the wishes of others of the community
because of decisions whether social or political are arrived at not by the majority vote but
by consensus. Real political democracy is at work in Saora villages. The implementation
of statutory Gram Panchayat in the Saora villages serves nothing but creates conflict
between the indigenous political institution and the emerging new leadership (Patnaik
2005:174).
Religious Beliefs and Practices
The Saoras are religious tribe. AS most of the tribes they also live in the world of the
spirits and supernatural beings which are believed to influence the course of nature and
human life. That is why Patnaik (2005: 174 ) argues that the result of this over devotion
of religious life, they devote most of their time, energy and money to propitiate these
spirits and deities. They worship these deities with great devotion and with a sense of
gratitude. They appease the wrath of the malignant spirits with customary offering and
sacrifices and keep them in food temper. They also worship the indifferent natural spirits
to seek relief from evil spirits. The Saoras believe that every part of the world and every
object is possessed by a spirit. The hills, trees, streams, lands, market places, villages,
houses, hearths, pots and pans, water, air and infact every nook and comer of the Saora
107
inhabit are possessed by different spirits. Even though the Saora cosmology is very much
elaborate, confusing and complicated, but certain broad principles of their religion can be
deciphered. Patnaik has listed these principles are as follows:
1. Every human being is believed to have two souls,the Sudapuradan or big soul and
Sannapuradan or little soul. The big soul can have an independent existence and is
immortal whereas the little one does not outlast the destruction of its physical body.
2. When the soul leaves the body after death it becomes a shadow which is changed into
an ancestor by observing the Guar ceremony.
3. The Saora pantheon comprises numberless gods and spirits which can be broadly
classified into the following categories.
(i) Sanunanji referring to sky gods and some local deities and malevolent deities, cause
human tragedy, mishap and pain.
(ii) Kitunganji, represented by a collective form of deity called Kittungsum, is believed
to be the creator of the world and all living beings.
(iii) Kulbanji, stands for the shadows and human souls not admitted to the world of
ancestors and not the object of worship.
4. A few gods and spirits are regularly worshiped and no god has anything of the type of
shrine except the icons or the ritual paintings on the walls representing particular deities
and spirits which are invoked at the time of crisis. Diffrerent spirits and deities exist
everywhere in the Saora world and no social domestic and economic and other aspects of
life exists without being influenced by the deities and the spirits (Patnaik 2005: 175) .
108
Understanding Saora Deities
The deities differ from one another in nature, function, character and activities. Some are
benevolent, some neutral and others malevolent. The spiritis are very much vigilant and if
they find that someone has not observed the rituals property, he is subjected to the wrath
of the spirit.He falls ill and some mishap happens to his family and his crop is destroyed
and he is attacked by world animals.
Saora Rituals'
Saoras observe many rituals and ceremonies which can be classified in two categories.
One those observed at the individual family level and second those which are observed
by community at the village level. The rites and rituals which are connected with life
cycle (birth,marriage and death) come under the first category and those related to
different agricultural operations and community biennial or triennial rituals fall into the
second category. Some of the important agricultural festivals observed by the Saoras are
related to crops grown such as millet, sweet potato, com and redgrams. Certain other
rituals are related to fruits such as mango fruits. These rituals are observed on a
community basis. Similarly, the biennials and triennial Gaur festival in which stone
slabs are erected in memory of the deceased are observed by the village community
(ibid:175).
Saora Icons (Paintings) and their Types
Saoras wall painting known as icons. These icons are drawn on the walls inside the
house. These paintings consist of various sketches of human beings,elephants, gunmen,
sun, moon, snakes, trees and various objects of nature. These paintings are of great
religious significance representing a unidimensional shrine dedicated to a particular deity
109
in order to please it so that it may spare the members of the household from their
invidious attention. The icons which were previously drawn for certain purposes are
erased by smearing the walls with a solution mixed with red soil and a new icon is drawn
to serve some other purpose. In this way at frequent intervals icons are drawn as and
when the occasions arise (ibid:176).
There are various types of icons such as icons drawn of averting a mishap in the
family, curing illness, improving fertility of the soil and increasing the yield of the
crops,ensuring a smooth and easy delivery of a child, etc. The constituent sketches of the
icon differ according to the purpose. The icon meant for improving the fertility of the soil
depicts a pregnant women and persons carrying paddy bundles or bunches of banana.
Icon designed to promote or preserve the fertility of the crops
These types of icons depict agricultural operations such as ploughing and hoeing, sowing
and harvesting. In some icons the pictures of pregnant women,women carrying seeds, a
potter laden with pots, gods seated on elephants and such other fertility symbols are
depicted. The fertility icons are dedicated to the labosum or earth-god and to the
ancestors whose interests in the harvests and prosperity of the Saoras are emphasized.
A standard picture of a fertility icon may have the following composition and
form. In a square outline there may be figures of a ploughman with a cigar or pipe in his
mouth and his son ploughing; a cow followed by its calf; a pregnant woman carrying
seeds on her head, a potter and his wife laden with pots to cook the bumper crops which
are expected, an elephant with some gods or spirits sitting on it and more particularly the
Jemra killing and Sidibirdi which are associated with the rite of consecration of seeds
110
called Jammolpur. In short, the fertility Icons are Jammolpur icons dedicated to
Labosum (ibid: 177).
Icons dedicated to gods to avert disease
In some of the sacrifices offered to the gods for the sake of getting well and recovering
from illness, the Shaman prescribes painting of an icon. Such pictures consists of
drawing of servants,pets,guards,dancing girls,eIephants,horses with clerks riding on
them,potters with loads of pots and bundles of grass carried by men, snakes, monkeys
depicted at the upper border of the icon. The ideas is to show what a splendid house the
god as and how many servants,bodyguards and others are there in his house and what
important people call on him, the soul purpose being to flatter the god for the sake of
which the icon has been made.
An instance may be given to show the type of icon made for dedicating to a god
for the purpose of averting any accident and illness. At the time of the harvest of red
gram, the Saoras celebrate the festival of Gadalpur, at which sacrifice is made to
Gadalsum. It is strictly taboo to cutgrass before Gadalpur .The custom is that the priest
cuts the grass first and then others follow him. Any breach of the custom results in
serious consequences, and in order to satisfy the god which is offended by such breach of
the custom,a suitable icon is drawn.ln one such icon a person, representing one who has
broken the taboo, is shown with a load of grass upon a strong tiger who is shown
springing. In two sets of icons drawn one for Gadalsum (deity in charge of grass)and
others for Beusum(deity of the hills),several people are depicted representing the grass
cutters, tutelars are shown sitting or watching the scene in which the Gadalsum and
Barusum are riding elephants and other gods either riding or standing. There are figures
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of birds and monkeys signaling the presence of a snake or a tiger in the neighborhood
(ibid: 177 -178) .
The icons are drawn representing the marriage ceremony of the gods. In such
icons there may be a palace representing the palace of the god and figures of people in
dancing posture around palace, pictures of trees and monkeys on them in joyful mood,
figures of mother, sisters, brothers ofthe concerned god, dancing, drawings of sun, moon,
stars shining down on the scene, gods coming on elephant back to attend the marriage,
potters coming with loads of pots for rice-beer, important people coming with goats for
feast, men bringing in a Sambhar kelled by the god's dog. The obvious intention of all
these is to depict what an important god he is, how many servants he has; what powerful
people, friends and relatives he can command; and what an expensive wedding he can
afford (ibid: 178).
Icons made to assist child birth.
The icons drawn to assist child birth contain a pregnancy or delivery motif and generally
dedicated to Gadejangboi who is notorious for interfering at the time of delivery.ln such
icons a woman who is to deliver the child is depicted with Gadejangboi holding her.
Another god called Darammaboi may be drawn and she would be shown with her hand
on the mother's belly ready to remove the child from the womb. There may be the picture
of a girl (supposed to be the daughter of Darammaboi) holding a pot of water to bathe
the mother and child after delivery (ibid: 178).
Icons which represent shrines and hills
The icons in most cases stands for the house of a spirit. Shrine-icons are made when there
is a demand from a spirit to have a place for him to rest. Hill-icons may be drawn if one
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has offended a hill-god by cutting a clearing on his hill or by collecting herbs or picking
leaves without offering sacrifices. The icon of this type represents a hill-god's house
dedicated generally to Barongsum-an old Saora word for mountain god.
If the Saoras of a village fall ill when they go to make a clearing on a hiII,they
believe that the illness is due to the dissatisfaction of the hill-gods such as Labosum,
Myungboi, or Myungsum the Sun god and Tangarbasum. The icon drawn to please
these gods may have pictures of concentric circles with sketches of shrines representing
the house of Myungsum, figures of hills and the elephant with Labosum and other gods
riding on. These may also be the pictures of wild animals like tiger. Tangarsum 's house
may be represented the house of Myungsum, figures of the hills and of elephants with
Labosum and other gods riding on. There may also be the pictures of wild animals like
tiger. Tangarsum's house may be represented by squares within squares drawn in lines
with figures of human being all around and those of monkeys at the top of the squares
and a potter with a load of pots standing nearby (ibid: 179).
In one such pictures Verrier Elwin has shown a man on a bicycle representing a
Forest Guard who was obstructing the Saoras in their work of clearing the hill-slopes for
cultivation. The idea of including the Guard who was treated as one of the hill-gods in the
icon was that he would be pleased and leave them alone undisturbed.
Icon made in honour of tutelars
Icons are made to solemnize marriage between a Shaman and his tutelar or a Shamenin
and her tutelar. Such icons are also drawn at the instance when the tutelars feel that their
relations are neglected.The icons are rather elaborate because many figures of human
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beings and tutelars who are related to one another are depicted with drawings of birds and
animals and plants to beautify the picture (ibid:179).
Icons made in honour of the dead
The ancestors, according to the Saoras need constantly the attention and care of the living
because they lead a wretched life in the underworld. They demand food and drink and
comfort from their living children and grandchildren and are very much satisfied when
icons are drawn in their favours and sacrifices are offered to them. The icons which are
made in their honour depict comfortable houses with large number of rooms full of wives
and servants, food and drink. The icons also depict important and wealthy friends and
relations visiting them and there are houses,elephants and bicycles (now cars and
aeroplanes added to pictures) for them to ride about.
In brief, the chief characteristic features of the Saora icon are that they are made
for ritual purposes rather than for decoration and display. Often they are drawn in the
darkest part of the house not easily accessible by visitors and outsiders. The elaborations
shown in the icons part from the central theme are not for beauty but for flattery which
the gods like and appreciate most (ibid:180).
The Shaman or medicine man draws the icons and performs necessary rites
I
connected with them. The religious functionaries who perform the rites and rituals are
mainly from the categories of Buyya and Kudan. The Buyya presides over all
agricultural festivals and Kudan,who is the Shaman, combines the function of a priest,
praphet and medicine man. The position of the Buyya is handed down from the father to
son whereas the position of a Kudan is not hereditary. It is achieved on the basis of
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merits and Knowledge of a person about the prestigious priestly services and science of
indigenous medicine and skill in drawing icons (Patnaik 2005: 181).
There are male Shamans called Kudan and female Shamans called Kudanboi. A
male Shaman has a female tutelary and a female Shaman or Shamanin has a male
tutelary. The relationship between the two sets of pairs is the same as that of husband and
wife. Both the Shaman and the Shamanin are equally skilled diviners and medicine
persons. They can establish direct communication with their respective tutelaries and
prevail upon them to provide clues for curing illness and controlling evil spirits
(ibid: 181).
Saora Life Cycle
Birth
Birth, marriage and death ceremony are common in the tribes. With this some specific
cycles of life added by each tribe. In a Saora tribe there are five main cycles. To begine is
birth. Let us see what happen when a birth of a child takes place: A woman suffering
from labour pain is confined to a comer of the house. An experience elderly woman is
immediately called for to help her in delivery. The umbilical cord is out by the midwife
by a sharp arrow head. The placenta is buried in a pit in one comer of the house. The
mother and the baby are given both in tepid water. The period of prohibition lasts for
seven days. On the last day the woman takes bath and cooks food which is shared by the
other members of the family. After a few days a name is given to the baby.For this
purpose the name of an ancestor is chosen (Patnaik 2005: 181-182).
Marriage Ceremony Among Saoras
Saora practice various types of marriages. Among them common being the arranged
marriage (Patnaik 2005: 182). In the case of marriage by arrangements it is the parents of
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the groom who take the initiative. The bride price varies from Rs.60 to Rs.I00 and 8 to
10 pots of country liquor. Before marriage the groom's father accompanied by relatives
and kinsmen visit the bride's house more than once with pots ofliquor. On one occasion
an arrow is taken and the engagement is finalised. On another occasion the amount of
bride price is fixed and paid before the day of bethrotal. On the day of bethrotal, the
groom's party visits the girl's house with several pots of wine .On this occasion they are
entertained with sumptuous food and drink. One year thereafter the bride is sent to the
groom's house and this day is celebrated by dancing and drinking and from this day the
groom and the bride are recognized as husband and wife. The Saoras practice both
sorrorate and levirate types of marriage. If a man has many swidden patches he has to
have more than one wife so that each of them can clear a patch of land thereby growing
more crops and getting more produce from the fields (ibid:182).
Death Ceremony Among Saora
The Saoras cremate their deads in normal death. However if death is by accident, by
cholera and small pox, the practice of burial is followed. The corpse is carried to the
cremation ground accompanied by musical band and the body is placed on the pyre and
burnt. Next day the family members of the deceased visit the cremation ground to
examine the ashes and to find out the signs of the cause of death. In the evening a fowl is
killed in the cremation ground and cooked with rice and neem leaves which is shared by
the mourners (Patnaik 2005: 182). After a year or so the Gaur ceremony is observed.On
this occasion members are erected on the ground and a large buffalo is sacrificed. This is
followed by three successive Karja ceremony in every second or third year to
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commemorate and honour the dead. This ceremony is observed in the month of March or
April when the people are generally free from agricultural operations.
As pointed out above,with death rites two great ritual are associated,these are Gaur and
Karja . The Gaur is performed in two family one in which she had taken birth and the
another is the family of her husband. The brother of the deceased, accompanied by the
Kudan and Kudanboi and her blood kins,goes to the cremation ground to collect bones
from the burning pyre. The charred bones are kept at home or in the cremation ground. It
may be mentioned that in the event of death of a woman,her parent's family takes major
interest in the performance of the Gaur. On the appointed day the dead person's kinsmen
go out in a procession accompanied by the music party to the nearby hill and fetch a long
flat stone and keep in the place called Genuar (place where menhirs are erected in
memory of the dead persons). The Kudan and the Kudamboi perform necessary rituals
and the assembled kim members place the slab erect in the hole dug for this purpose in
the Genuar (Patnaik 2005: 183). A buffalo is sacrificed and a great feast is arranged. The
meat of the sacrificial animal is cooked and with rice,red gram and other cooked items
served to the members of the family of the deceased and all the guests and relatives
attending the ritual.
The Karja ceremony is the greatest festival of the Saoras. It is collectively
observed by all households. This ceremony is a sort of commemoration festival observed
in memory of all the spirits of the dead persons who died during the last three years. The
kins of all the dead persons take initiative and organize the commemoration festival every
year in the month of March. The spirits of the dead is commemorated three times once in
each of the three consecutive years and all the spirit of the dead persons who died in the
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last three years in the village are commemorated collectively in a joint ceremony by all
the concerned households. The main objective of the Karja ceremony is to express
gratitude and gratefulness to the dead,who during their life span on the earth laboured in
the paddy fields and swidden patches and died. Karja is also observed with the idea that
the family members of the deceased can live in plenty and happiness. Through this
ceremony the needs of the spirits are provided for its happy and peaceful life in other
world. On the whole the Karja ceremony marks the end of a death ritual cycle (ibid: 183184).
The Karja ceremony lasts for three days. During these three days the Shaman is
kept busy in the spirit hunt. On the first day a ladder made of bamboo is fixed into the
mortar hole in the living room. The spirits are invited and the buffaloes which are
contributed by the kins and relatives of the persons who died in the last three years are
sacrificed at one end of the village and the spirits are worshiped by offering the blood of
the buffaloes. By evening of the third day all rituals are finished and all the assembled
guests and relatives and kin members of the dead persons enjoy the feast cooked for this
purpose. After having finished eating the food,all people assembled on this occasion lead
the Shamans to their respective houses in accompaniment of traditional music and
thereafter all people leave for their respective villages.
Changing World
Since the remote past, the Lanjia Saora lived underdeveloped condition in their remote
hill habitat. In contemporary times because of Christianity, Saoras are undergoing great
socio-cultural, political and economic change. Further the external modem civilization
has also influenced the Saora way of life. After indepencence, the Government has
118
initiated various welfare measures to improve the life of the Saora. During the 5th Plan,
Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) Approach was adopted and Lanjia Saora identified as one among
the 13 Primitive Tribal Groups(PTG) in Orissa. Two Micro Projects, one located at
Puttasinghi in Rayagada district and another at Serango in Gajapati district have been
established for the all round development of Saora. The Micro Projects have the basic
approach of Tribal Sub-Plan, i.e location and community specific holistic development
of the target area and the people.
The objective of these plans is to raise the living conditions of the Lanjia Saora
and change them from a primitive and pre-agricultural stage of shifting cultivation to
modem agriculture and the culture of such other beliefs and practices. The impact is
visible because many have come in changes their way of life. Now the Lanjia Saora are
passi~g
through a phase of transition.
It is only after Independence that the needs and problems of the tribals were
recognized and systematically addressed. The Constitution ofIndia has enunciated
several provisions to redress their problems and their development. However,since the
Fifth Five Year Plan,special emphasis was given to tribal development by introducing
Tribal Sub-Plans (TSPs) Approach.
The Lanjia Saoras are still in primitive stage in spite of their practice of settled and
terrace cultivation. Their annual growth rate of population is only 1.01 percent.Traditionbound customary laws seem to exist in their society.
The Lanjia Saora Development Agency has been working for last 25 years. So far it has
been able to provide benefits and facilities to about 1000 Saora households of 25
villages.The programmes of development are broadly of two types. These include income
119
generating
and
individual
benefit
schemes, and
infrastructure
and
community
development programmes. Though these programmes are being implement but the
practical benefits for the tribals has not reached to the targeted groups. There is a gap
between planning and implementating level in the area.
Conclusion
In this chapter we have seen the research setting, the universe where the whole research
has been conducted. We have seen the geographical location of Rayagada district in
Orissa, its population, specially the tribal population. Orissa has 62 distinct tribal groups,
making it the largest collection of tribal people in a single state in the country. Each of
these tribal groups have their own indigenous customs and continue to practice them even
today. Many tourists do get to meet some of these tribal groups and see them in their
natural habitats, though access to some tribal areas is strictly restricted. The way the
tribes spend their lives is something that teaches us how to live with little. Many areas
that are inhabited by the tribes lack even the basic necessities, but their lives still feel
complete. Although now with the development of the state intervention, facilities are
reaching to these people as well.
From the perspective of the whole of Rayagada district it can be said that tribal
communities are quite predominant here and comprises 57.5% of the total population.
The topography of the district is such that the tribal people can easily retain their original
culture, tradition and ethnicity and live lives on their whims and desires. The culture of
tribal populated Rayagada district is enriched by its plethora of dance, music and life
style of tribes. Despite the inflow of modem civilization and technical progress the
people of Rayagada district has still maintained its originality. The Saora tribe which is
120
one of the most primitive tribes in this district is no exception to this. They are known for
being great walkers, expert hunters and climbers. Personal hygiene is of intense
importance to them. Which make them distinct from other tribal groups.
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