chapter viii - Santé mentale au Québec

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CHAPTER VIII
FEAR
8.1
Introduction
Findings from the previous chapter demonstrate that community opposition is perceived
as a form of prejudice by three of the four respondent groups. Further insight into the
opposer’s experience may provide us with a better understanding of community opposition
toward group homes. For the opposers the unannounced arrival of the group home is
traumatic and it triggers a wide range of emotions, from compassion and sympathy, to fear
and anger. This chapter shall present the findings related to the issue of fear. It is important
to note that each opposer interviewed experienced some sort of fear, both before and after the
implementation of the group home. Used as a defence against the group home, or as a means
to justify their actions, fear is common to all opposers. Fear is expressed in different ways: a
sense of insecurity or personal fear related to the group home, and its clientele, or a broader
based fear of what the future holds now that a group home is operating in the community.
The first part of this chapter describes the initial reaction expressed by many of the
opposers, that “something terrible is going to happen”. Subsequent sections will attempt to
report other forms of fear including: the potential danger of the clientele, fear of physical and
sexual abuse, and fear related to the future proliferation of group homes. It should be noted
that the first half of this chapter comprises the findings of only one of the respondent groups,
the opposers. The latter half of this chapter reports the findings pertaining to the other
respondent groups including: the promoters, elites and supporters. The inclusion of other
respondent groups provides additional evidence to support these findings.
8.2
“Something terrible is going to happen”
For many respondents the initial disclosure about the arrival of the group home is
accompanied by a deep sense of desperation and fear. Michèle, a homemaker with two
school aged children, first heard about the group home from her neighbour, who also was
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adamantly against the group home. After learning about the group home Michèle was in
shock. She describes how living next door to the group home was like living next door to a
hospital. She was deeply affected and states “J'ai été dans la lune pendant un bon bout de
temps. Je pensais toujours à ça” (Michèle: 11, line 354-355).
Others such as Beatrice, a long time resident of Belleville, describes community residents
initially feeling that “something terrible was going to happen”. She explains that the arrival
of the group home in her community was similar to opening a toxic waste plant in people’s
backyards without prior knowledge or information (Beatrice: 23, line 783-785).
This
analogy to locally unwanted land uses (LULUS) is clearly articulated when she states:
But this whole thing it’s just like, I don't know how shall I put it... It's like
when someone wants to build a toxic waste plant in your back yard but you
know heaven forbid you should find out about it before it's in full operation
because then you might stop them. That's the feeling we got. You know they
didn't want us to find out about it until it was all done because we might stop
them because it's some terrible thing (Beatrice: 11, line 350-356).
According to Beatrice this feeling of impending doom was a result of not informing
community residents of plans to implement the group home. People felt that the city and the
promoters were trying to "sneak" something by, and this created a pervasive fear that
something terrible was going to happen to them (Beatrice: 2, line 69-71). She adds that even
though she supported the group home she also began to feel that something terrible was
going to happen. She explains:
Of course I said “oh my gosh, you know something - this is going to be
terrible.” And then when they tried to push it through quietly, I was even
more convinced that something terrible was going to happen because
otherwise why would they be hiding it? (Beatrice: 23, line 778-782).
Similar fears are expressed by Pietro and Joseph. Both of these opposers are convinced
that danger is imminent by the virtual fact that a group home is located in their respective
communities. According to Pietro “everyone expects serious problems” from the group
home for ex-psychiatric patients (Pietro: 1, line 27-29). His wife Michèle adds that given the
group home’s location “it is impossible that nothing will ever happen” (Michèle: 21, line
707-708). The group home represents danger to her and her family. Joseph shares similar
feelings as he describes the detrimental impact of bringing “twenty prisoners” into his
neighbourhood:
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I was very concerned about what the effect would be on the neighbourhood
and on my children and the degree that we would change the neighbourhood
in either tone or security requirements by virtually them being there. Ya I was
concerned about that (Joseph: 8, line 251-254).
Although Joseph admits that there has been only one negative incident since the arrival of
the group home he insists that there will be problems in the future. He states:
It doesn't mean to say that ones neighbours never do anything that's wrong,
but in this case you have an absolute guarantee as opposed to an uncertainty
(Joseph: 14, line 429-431).
8.3
Potential danger of the clientele
Other opposers express their fears in terms of the potential danger of the clientele to
themselves and to their families. Initially Frank and Sophie thought that the women at
Maison Grandeville had committed petty crimes such as prostitution and drugs (Frank and
Sophie: 22, line 894-895; :36, line 1503-1509). They subsequently learn that these women
also committed violent crimes, including murder (Frank and Sophie: 21, line 876-892). Their
worst fears are confirmed through a series of incidents after the arrival of the group home.
The initial incident occurred during the first week when a Maison Grandeville client was
arrested, and removed from the home by the police in handcuffs and restraining leg chains.
Frank recounts:
Like they said “well you know these aren't violent people” yet within a week
windows were being smashed. The police came and somebody from the
Correctional Services people had to arrive in a truck. They had to drag
someone out screaming because there was a problem (Frank: 2, line 92-96).
Their fears are further intensified after receiving a telephone call from a desperate father
who claimed that his daughter, a social worker, was strangled at Maison Grandeville’s
previous location (Frank and Sophie: 3, line 98-102; : 21, line 871-874). Despite Frank’s
efforts to verify this with the police he was unable to confirm the authenticity of these events.
The third incident involved a man, Sophie describes as one of the guests of the group home,
who was seen urinating against a wall next to Frank and Sophie’s home. Sophie felt stressed
each time she went outside because she would be reminded of what she describes as "the
dark aspect of society". Frank acknowledges his wife's feelings of insecurity. He also
describes coming home from work and not feeling secure. He adds that he was happy to
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have their dog, a Great Dane, to protect them. All of this culminates in Sophie feeling
Auneasy" and "not feeling good" after the arrival of Maison Grandeville as she states:
I didn't feel good. I really didn't feel good. Maybe I am unrealistic, I may
have been. You know I liked the comfort of a music school (Sophie: 24, line
987-989).
So it is already stressful. I would get out of my house and straight away I was
reminded of the worst side of society, you know (Sophie: 8, line 330-332).
Similarly, Michèle a mother of two school aged boys, is fearful of the clientele of Foyer
Flanders. First and foremost she is afraid because the group home is located next door to her
home. Alone during the day, Michèle does not feel safe because the clients have full view
inside her house (Michèle: 3, line 74-76; p.6, line 196-198). For example, they can see her
family eating and moving around inside (Michèle: 7, line 202-203). She is afraid that
eventually one of them will become violent, and will "decide to visit her" (Michèle: 5: line
150; line 155-156). In order to deal with these fears Michèle has taken specific actions.
During the day her blinds are left half closed at all times so as not to reveal what is going on
in her home (Michèle: 5, line 151-154). In the evening she no longer sits outside alone on
her balcony (Michèle: 7, line 204-206). When the lights are on in her home she closes her
blinds completely so that people in the group home are unable to see any movement in her
house (Michèle: 6, line 189-192). When outside she is more watchful, indiscretely on the
look out next door (Michèle: 6, line 170-173). These measures taken to protect herself are
further described as she states:
Bien, j'essaie de fermer le plus possible les portes, de barrer les portes. Barrer
la fenêtre qui peut être accessible juste avec le moustiquaire (screen), mettons.
Mettons, si je suis juste en haut, bien moi je vais l'ouvrir. Si j'étais en bas, je
le laisserais fermé. Je laisserais ouvertes seulement les fenêtres qui sont
hautes (Michèle: 7, line 208-212).
Michèle is pessimistic about the future, and concludes that her fears will persist as long as
the group home is next to her home. The intensity of her fear is exemplified when she states:
La crainte, elle ne peut pas s'en aller... Parce que quelqu'un qui veut vraiment
savoir quelle est la circulation dans la maison, c’est facile à savoir. Si mon
mari part le matin, qu’il arrive à six heures... L'auto n’est pas en avant. C'est
facile de savoir que tu as deux autos ou une auto, ou quelque chose comme ça
(Michèle: 7, line 216-222).
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Opposers of the Mansfield Group Home are also afraid of the children living in the group
home. Initially Hilda was fearful of having to see the children all the time. She was
extremely worried that the children living in the group home would set fires in the
neighbourhood. She also feared that they would escape from the group home and get lost,
(Hilda: 50, line 1624-1630) or be left outside screaming (Hilda: 26, line 815-817). Her fears
related to the clientele are described when she states:
And I knew even in the beginning I said these kids will be going out. I didn't
know how sick they are or how many are in wheel chairs. I said these kids
could get out. These kids could set fire to a house. I mean their house is
fully, you know equipped with all kinds of sprinkler systems. But those are
kids who really don't know what they are doing (Hilda: 50, line 1614-1619).
Although opposers such as Joseph and Theresa describe others as being “afraid”, they
also express their personal fears and apprehensions about the group home. Joseph describes
Maison Grandeville as a "large incarceration facility" and a prison. He insists that twenty
inmates is "an awful lot of people" (Joseph: 14, line 439-441; :25, line 803-804). He
contrasts the group home with the former vocation of the building, a religious order of nuns
operating a music conservatory (Joseph: 2, line 41-43; : 25, line 799-801). The clients of
Maison Grandeville are also presented as a major source of danger. They are consistently
described as "twenty inmates", doing time under an open system with "two or three of them
having committed murder" (Joseph: 14, line 423-426). Joseph also has concerns over the
lack of adequate security at night (Joseph: 14, line 434-436). Theresa concurs with Joseph
and adds that people are afraid of riots as the girls might have a Arumble" (Theresa: 12, line
496-497).
Both opposers make reference to an initial incident which occurred during the first week
of the group home’s arrival where an inmate was carried out handcuffed and in leg chains by
the police. They state that this incident instilled fear in everyone (Joseph: 7, line 211-218; :
14, line 444-446). Sophie summarizes the underlying fear in her community when she states:
You know what is the most frightening example of all this is to live in very
close proximity to people that you don't understand. You know you cannot
put yourself in their shoes. You can't live the day to day and know how it
feels. Because you have to be compassionate. You have to be able to put
yourself in their shoes. But it is so strange because you can't do it (Sophie:
36, line 1489-1494).
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Findings from this section reveal the opposer’s fear of the clientele housed in the group
home. For some these fears are further intensified by the threat of physical or sexual abuse.
The following section reports these findings.
8.4
Fear of physical and/or sexual abuse
Fear of physical and/or sexual abuse of children is discussed in two of the three cases.31
Mathieu, an opposer, states that since the arrival of the Flanders Group Home most people in
his neighbourhood are worried about their children being physically or sexually abused
(Mathieu: 3, line 77-78; : 7, line 223-224). Given the unpredictable nature of the clientele he
is afraid that one will lose control and kill a child with a knife (Pietro: 14, line 451-456). His
wife Michèle questions how client relapses and hospital readmissions are dealt with. She
worries about sexual abuse, particularly since many young children use the park which is
located directly adjacent to the group home (Michèle: 4, line 119-122). Her fears of sexual
aggression are exacerbated knowing that there is a group home next door. She feels that
even though young girls are more vulnerable than boys, her sons are also at risk (Michèle: 6,
line 174-180; :14, line 447-450) as she explains:
Que ça soit avec mes enfants... J'ai deux garçons. Ça doit pas vouloir dire
qu'il n’y a pas de danger pour eux-autres. Mais je suis contente de ne pas
avoir de filles. Si j'avais une fille, à coté de ça, je m’énerverais encore deux
fois plus. Au moins là, le garçon, il a des pantalons. Il est moins attirant
qu'une fille. Ça veut pas dire qu'il n’arrivera rien. Mais, de moi-même, je suis
contente que ça soit des garçons (Michèle: 6, line 163-169).
Similar fears are expressed by opposers in the Maison Grandeville case. Joseph describes
how a woman already “propositioned” one of his neighbours and how the neighbours have
had to “revise” the way they let their children play outside (Joseph: 7, line 233-235; : 15, line
453-456). In both cases the underlying fear is physical and/or sexual abuse of the women
and children in the neighbourhood.
8.5
Fear of contact with the clientele
It is worthwhile noting that while findings reveal a great deal of fear present, very few
opposers have contact with the clientele of the group home. Of the seven interviews with
31
This includes Maison Grandeville and Foyer Flanders. In the third case, Mansfield Group Home,
opposers articulate their fears and these are reported in this chapter.
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opposers, five admit not having any contact with the clients of the group home. Two
opposers of Maison Grandeville explain that they “have nothing to do with the clients”
(Theresa: 7, line 273), that they “don’t spend time watching” and consequently do not know
who lives in the group home (Joseph: 16, line 513-514). Hilda claims that she never had any
contact with the previous owner so why should she have contact with the Mansfield Group
Home? (Hilda: 43, line 1098-1099). Katrina, another opposer, also has no contact. However
she is interested in meeting the children in the group home and criticizes the promoters for
not inviting her to the official opening (Katrina: 23, line 791-794). Mathieu offers another
perspective. He advises community residents not to have any contact with the residents of
the group home. His reasons are:
Puis il faut pas leur parler. Parce que si vous leur parlez une fois, vous êtes
certains que vous allez l'avoir dans votre cour pour le restant de leur séjour. Il
faut pas leur parler. Moi, j'ai appris à ne pas parler à ces gens-là. Ils vont
toujours venir vous voir après. Aussitôt qu'ils vous voient dehors, ils viennent
vous voir. Ils vont venir. Ils vont venir. Ils vont venir sonner. Ils vont venir
dans votre cour. Puis là, là vous allez être obligés, à un moment donné de leur
dire "bien écoute donc, va t'en!" Ça comprend pas. Je sais que ça comprend
pas. Mais c'est ça qui arrive (Mathieu: 17, line 667-677).
In all three cases only two opposers have minimal contact with the clientele of the group
home. While walking their dog, Frank and Sophie met several of the residents of Maison
Grandeville. Frank states that although they weren't "rude" or "nasty" to them (Frank: 7, line
283-285) they did not feel at ease with them (Frank: 24, line 1013-1015). Similarly, Michèle
and her children have daily contact with the clients of the group home; when they travel to
and from school, at noontime, in the afternoon, and in the evening (Michèle: 14, line 462468). Her children have been instructed not to talk with anyone from the group home. If
necessary they may answer a question but they must leave immediately (Michèle: 23, line
767-771). She insists that they have no contact:
Mais je les ai avertis mes enfants. J'ai dit “il faut pas leur parler. Si tu es
obligé de donner une réponse, tu dis une réponse, puis tu t'en vas. Pas de
contact.” Tu sais, pas manquer de respect. Le respect doit être là, mais pas de
contact, faut pas parler avec une autre personne... (Michèle: 15, line 488-492).
Michèle understands that clients of the group home need to have contact with others,
however she is not willing to allow this to happen with her family. Her position vis a vis
contact with the clientele is explicated when she states:
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Je pense qu’ils ont besoin d'être appréciés. Ils ont besoin de parler avec
d'autres... Si, toi, tu restes à côté ou que tu vis tout proche, tu les rencontres
souvent. Tu veux bien être gentil à l'occasion quand ça adonne. Mais quand
même ça prend un... Je veux dire, moi je passe, et tu sais ... degré d'amitié
mettons... Toi, tu rencontres quelqu'un... tu vis deux ans, ou trois ans, tu vas à
la même pharmacie ou au même magasin et tout et tout. On se rencontre
souvent. Il faut pas que tu deviennes les amie non plus... pour ta protection.
Pas parce que tu veux pas que la personne soit... mais il faut quand même que
tu te protèges, que tu protèges (Michèle: 23, line 752-766).
This section reported the fear of contact with the clientele. The following section will
report people’s fear of the future and the group home’s role in the community.
8.6
Fear of the future
Although one would expect that fears initially expressed would significantly diminish
once the group home is established and functioning, this is not always the case.32 Once the
group home is established community residents articulate new fears. These include: (1) fear
of future changes or modifications to the clientele placed in the group home, and (2) fear of
the future proliferation of group homes.
In two of the cases opposers33 fear that the number of clients will increase in the future,
or that more severely ill people will be placed in the group home. Both Hilda and Michèle
are anxious about the future. Hilda states that as owners of the group home, the government
can do anything they want: increase or decrease the number of children, replace the current
group with younger children, or even enlarge the house (Hilda: 31, line 982-983; : 10841085; 1092-1096). Hilda questions what will happen when the children turn eighteen years
of age and no longer attend school. Michèle expresses similar feelings. She worries about
the impact of deinstitutionalizing the mentally ill into the community. She believes that the
promoters intentionally placed the “milder cases” in the group home, and predicts that in the
future more severely ill people will be targeted for the group home. She states:
Mais ils continuent de vider des hôpitaux quand même. Qui dit que, dans
trois, quatre ou cinq ans ils n’en mettront pas encore plus? Vingt-cinq peut
être, ou je sais pas.... Je connais rien dans la santé, mais mettons qu’ils en
mettent encore des plus affectés que ça. Là, maintenant, ils mettent les cas les
32
33
At the time of the study all three group homes had been operating for at least five months. Two of the three
group homes had been operating for close to a year.
This includes interviews with three opposers of two different group homes.
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plus légers Mais qui dit que plus tard, ils en mettront pas des plus avancés?
(Michèle: 8, line 250-256).
Mathieu also fears that in the future the clientele placed in Foyer Flanders will be more
severely ill, and thus be more problematic. He explains that clients currently living in the
group home will not remain there indefinitely, and eventually there will be a turn over.
Simone agrees with her husband (Simone: 14, line 559) adding that other group homes
experiencing problems might transfer the problem cases to Foyer Flanders (Simone: 14, line
561-565). Mathieu’s primary fear is that the problems he experienced several years ago, with
a group home for emotionally disturbed adolescents will re-occur (Mathieu: 6, line 222-224; :
14, line 554-557).
Other respondents are fearful of the future proliferation of group homes. Four opposers
and one supporter are worried that additional group homes will be developed in the
community in the future. Katrina is convinced that the promoters of the Mansfield Group
Home intend to institutionalize her neighbourhood, and develop group homes everywhere
(Katrina: 1, line 21-22). She believes that the promoters initially wanted to purchase homes
in the area, including the home next to hers, as well as others, and convert them into group
homes (Katrina: 21, line 717-720). She explains that by zoning the area institutional, the
promoters would not be restricted in the number or type of clientele placed in the group
home. They could for example legally place twenty or more children in one home. She
explains that a zoning change was attractive in terms of the financial incentives:
On voulait institutionnaliser (changer le zonage) pour que, dans ce cas- là, au
lieu de mettre neuf enfants on soit capable de mettre vingt enfants dans
chaque maison. On aurait pu avoir plus d'argent, c’est certain. Plus
d’infirmières, des éducateurs payés. Toutes les affaires sont payées si c'est
institutionnalisé (changer le zonage). Si cest une simple famille d'accueil,
c'est pas pareil (Katrina: 10, line 316-321).
Katrina also feels a loss of control over her environment because “La loi du plus fort”
prevails. Her fear about the future and the government’s power to do what they please is
further explicated when she states:
Je le sens maintenant, ces personnes (gouvernement) peuvent faire n'importe
quoi. Je ne sais pas moi, donner la permission de faire des duplex ici,
d’agrandir la maison, je ne sais pas comment... de faire toutes sortes d’autres
institutions ici. On pourra faire n'importe quoi (Katrina: 23, line 781-786).
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Beatrice, a supporter, is also concerned about the future proliferation of group homes.
She fears that the house adjacent to the Mansfield Group Home, presently occupied by an
elderly woman, will eventually be sold, and another group home will be built on the land
(Beatrice: 7, line 219-227). Michèle is also pessimistic about the future, and predicts that the
government will open group homes everywhere. Her concerns about the future proliferation
of group homes are articulated when she states:
Là, nous autres, on est à côté d'eux-autres. Mais si on continue à les sortir de
prison, les délinquants, et les autres, il va y'en avoir plein... Peut-être à chaque
mille, il va y avoir des maisons comme ça. Ou dans chaque quartier. Peut être
autant qu'il y avait (autrefois) d’églises, de tavernes, tu sais... Là, il va y avoir
une maison psychiatrique, une autre, une autre...et quelques maisons
résidentielles. C'est ça qui est devant nous... (Michèle: 16, line 517-523).
Overall findings around the theme of fear are consistent. However these findings reflect
those of the opposers and only one supporter.
In order to support these findings, the
following section reports how this issue is perceived by the other respondent groups.
8.7
Fear: A confirmation by other respondent groups
Findings around the issue of fear are confirmed by testimonies given by the three other
respondent groups. Both the promoters and elites unanimously34 report the intensity and
frequency of the opposer’s fear: including fear of physical and sexual abuse, fear for personal
safety and the safety of their children, and fear of the future.
Bertrand, the promoter of Foyer Flanders, describes how the leader of the opposition
movement, a retired army colonel, feared that young girls in his community would be targets
for sexual abuse. This leader assumed that clients placed in the group home were sexually
deprived and thus they would sexually assault young girls passing the group home. Bertrand
specifies that this never occurred and suggests that perhaps the colonel was expressing his
own desires as he states:
Je ne sais pas s'il manifestait son désir à lui, s'il le projetait sur nous, mais on
n'a pas eu de ce genre de gens qui ont sauté sur ces jeunes filles. On les a
laissées au phantasme du colonel. Ça n'a pas eu lieu (Bertrand: 12, line 391394).
34
This includes interviews with three promoters and three elites.
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Jacqueline, the promoter of the Mansfield Group Home, confirms fears expressed by
community residents. She states that people were confused about who the children were and
if they represented any danger. She explains:
I think there is sort of a confusion about who they (the children) were and
what kind of- what they would present to the neighbourhood. Would they be
hard to look at? You know would they be very disabled and therefore, you
know would they cause any risk, or pose any risk to the other children on the
street? Were they aggressive? Would they scream and yell? There were sort
of stories reported about some delinquency in the area and kids running about
and throwing fire in mailboxes and stuff. And I think a lot of them had
concerns about who was coming to the neighbourhood (Jacqueline: 9, line
299-309).
This promoter reports that community residents were relieved once they found out that
the children were in wheel chairs (Jacqueline: 9, line 297-298). She also confirms that
people were concerned about the future proliferation of group homes for other groups, such
as the elderly (Jacqueline: 6, line 196-197).
Sacha, an elite involved in the community over the past 15 years, draws upon his vast
experience with the implementation of group homes. He believes that the underlying fear
common in other cases of community opposition, is related to personal insecurities as he
states:
I mean the question I hear over and over in all these situations are “Can you
guarantee that?”. You know... fear- whatever their fear is, - that their child
isn't going to be raped, that there isn't going to be a break-in, that these people
aren't going to burn down the house that they aren't going to burn down their
own house, that it isn't going to lower my property values, that I'm going to be
able to find a buyer that... Can you guarantee that ? So it's very much an
expression of insecurities which is nearly always expressed as it turns out in
relatively hostile and sometimes rather infantile ways (Sacha: 30, line 11651173).
As a group the supporters35 also confirm the widespread fears created by the
implementation of the group home. Gloria, Pierre, and Gisèle, supporters of Foyer Flanders
and Maison Grandeville, confirm how prevalent fear was among the opposers.
Gisèle
describes how people were afraid of “increased security problems”, “the potential for
violence”, and “safety issues”.
35 The issue of fear is raised in five of the six interviews held with supporters.
145
For example people thought that it would no longer be safe to walk on the street, or
neighbours felt it would be dangerous to go out at night, while another neighbour said that he
could no longer sit on his balcony. Gloria adds that people were concerned about the
environment (Gloria: 1, line 9-13). They feared that their children would be physically
attacked by the clients of the group home. She explains:
Et les gens disaient: l'environnement. “Les enfants, nos enfants vont se
balader pour aller au parc ou dans la rue. Puis ça va être dangereux qu’ils se
fassent attaquer par ces gens-là”. L'environnement du quartier... pas pour les
plantes et les fleurs, mais le quartier (Gloria: 4, line 111-116).
Finally, Wendy a long time resident and supporter, offers an interesting interpretation.
According to her, community residents fear that contact with the handicapped children will
negatively affect or "rub off" in some way on their children (Wendy: 2, line 58-61). Wendy
elaborates on her “contagious clientele” theory as:
And in some cases they feel that their children will become the same way by
being close to these children. It's a demented way of looking at things. They
don't want perhaps their children to see sick children or it will affect them
psychologically or it will affect them deeply, like it will bother them too
much. And they perhaps don't want these other children there (Wendy: 22,
line 951-956).
8.8
Summary
Findings reported from the three other respondent groups interviewed confirm that fear
plays a key role in community opposition toward group homes. In the three cases studied
fear is experienced by all the opposers. It is expressed in various ways including: the
ominous threat that “something terrible is going to happen”, the potential danger of the
clientele, fear of physical and/or sexual abuse, and fear for the future. In addition to fear,
opposers describe feeling like the victim after the arrival of the group home. The following
chapter will trace the journey the opposers take in becoming the victim.